THE TYLENOL MURDERS

THE TYLENOL MURDERS     Crime Scene     The Cover-up     The Players     Persons of Interest     Mafia Ties     Posse Comitatus     Marketing Tylenol     Tylenol Lawsuits     J&J Liability     News      
PharMafia
Teamsters
Political Fixers
Anthony Accardo
Joseph Aiuppa
Sam Carlisi
Anthony Civella
Angelo Commito
Allen Dorfman
Joseph Ferriola
Rocco Infelise
James Marcello
Jackie Presser
John Serpico
Vincent Solano
Michael Spano
Paul Spano
Irwin Weiner
Roy Williams
FBI and the Mafia
McKesson
Mafia History
AFL-CIO
The Chicago Mafia - The Outfit

 
 
The 1982 Tylenol murders occurred at a time of incredible corruption throughout Chicago and Cook County, IL. The Outfit had infiltrated the Cook County Sheriff's department, municipal police departments, the judicial system and Chicago politics.
 
The Mafia controlled the Teamsters union completely. They controlled all the top executives, made all the decisions, and they decided who was placed in high level positions. The Mafia used their control of the unionized trucking industry as leverage over thousands of businesses dependent on Teamsters' deliveries. Food and Drug stores in the Chicago area relied on Outfit controlled businesses and employees of Outfit controlled unions for their daily shipments of produce and healthcare products.
 
When the Mafia wanted a bigger piece of the distribution business, they took it.
 
In 1981 the Outfit wanted Michael Cagnoni's produce distribution business. Cagnoni was a shipping executive who set up a cooperative association consisting of Chicago and New York grocers and California produce growers. Thousands of trucks went back and forth between Chicago and the West Coast every week aboard railroad cars with the association's shipments. On arriving in the Chicago area, some trucks went to local grocers while others went on to New York to supply produce to supermarkets there.
 
Every week, Cagnoni carried a briefcase stuffed with thousands of dollars in cash to Flash Interstate Delivery System Inc. (Flash Trucking), a suburban Cicero company that made most of his Chicago-area deliveries. The payments were made to avoid problems with the union at his shipping yard.
 
Flash Trucking was owned by brothers, Michael and Paul Spano, and was used by Outfit crews as a base of operations and a message center for its gambling operations. Michael Spano is serving a 12-year prison sentence for his 2002 conviction for helping Cicero town president Betty Loren-Maltese swindle the Chicago suburb - long plagued by mob influence - out of millions of dollars in insurance money. In 1991, Paul Spano pleaded guilty to an illegal gambling conspiracy.
 
Cagnoni, fed up with the "street tax", complained about the payments to outfit boss Joey "Doves" Aiuppa and Teamsters Local President Dominic Senese.  Following the meeting, Aiuppa ordered a hit on Cagnoni.
 
Convicted mobster Nicholas Calabrese testified in the "Operation Family Secrets" trial that his brother, Frank Calabrese Sr., was responsible for carrying out the hit. Calabrese said he and his crew began following Cagnoni to determine his routine, which proved nearly impossible to do. So instead of using their usual tactics, the crew placed a remote-control bomb under the front seat of Cagnoni’s Mercedes-Benz.
 
On June 24, 1981, as Cagnoni entered the on-ramp to I-290 in Hinsdale, the bomb was detonated by an automatic radio-controlled device. A former U.S. Marines explosives expert who witnessed the explosion testified that the blast sent huge hunks of metal flying through the air, produced a giant cloud of smoke and tore Cagnoni's body in half.
 
 
 
Joe Ferriola had hoped to take over Cagnoni's distribution business, but I have no evidence that he was able to take any piece of it. After Cagnoni was murdered, his wife ran the business.
 
 
Why is organized crime an important component in the Tylenol murders?
 
In 1978 the FBI prepared a report for the white-house on Organized Crime and the Labor Unions. The picture that it presents, said the FBI report, is thoroughly frightening.
At least four international unions are completely dominated by men who either have strong ties to or are members of the organized crime syndicate. A majority of the locals in most major cities of the United States in the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union (HRE), Laborers International Union of North America (LIUNA), and International Longshoreman's Association (ILA) unions are completely dominated by organized crime.
 
The officials of these unions are firmly entrenched; there is little hope of removing them by a free election process. Convictions for misconduct have been sparse and when one corrupt official is removed another soon takes his place. The result has been a complete domination of certain industries by hoodlums. Management personnel in the companies who must deal with these hoodlums have despaired of getting help from law enforcement authorities. They pay the price of labor peace so that they may survive. The cost is passed on to the consumer.
It seems that "the cost passed on to the consumer" in 1982 may have included at least seven horrific murders.
 
 
MAFIA CONTROL OF THE TEAMSTERS
 
The Mafia was heavily involved in the distribution business in Chicago in the 1980s. Its complete control of the Teamsters and every other Chicago union meant it exercised considerable control over the workers who handled Tylenol, including: truckers, warehouse workers, food and drug store employees, hospital employees, pharmacists and pharmacy technicians. The incredible amount of corruption at so many levels provided an ideal setting to succesfully cary out the crime of poisoning Tylenol capsules. Chicago's environment of corruption made it relatively easy for the FBI, FDA, and J&J to cover up evidence that would have served to impeach the integrity of the entire United States drug distribution network.
 
The Outfit used intimidation and violence against rank and file union members to keep them from regaining control of corrupt Chicago locals. Union members couldn't criticize their union officers without fear of retaliation. Not even union presidents were exempt from the mafia's brutal methods of control. At least through the mid 1990s every Teamsters president since Dave Beck, in the 1950s, had been threatened with death by organized crime. In 1975, when Hoffa was about to stir things up, the mob took him out. Violence and threats of violence were constant reminders to Teamsters' presidents that they were to give the Mafia whatever it wanted. Teamsters union leaders had been beholden to or deeply in fear of the Mafia for at least thirty years at the time of the 1982 Tylenol murders.
 
There's no question that Teamsters Presidents Jimmy Hoffa, followed by Frank Fitzsimmons, Roy Williams, and Jackie Presser were all direct instruments of organized crime. Fitzsimmons was named Teamsters President after Hoffa was imprisoned in the mid 1960s, and he held the position until 1981. The mafia allowed Fitzsimmons to head the union so long as organized crime had complete access to the workers' benefit funds for use in numerous criminal ventures. When Fitzsimmons died in 1981, the mafia installed Williams in the top spot and continued to plunder the union workers' benefit funds. - Jimmy Hoffa Playboy Interview

Prior to becoming Teamsters president - after Williams was imprisoned in 1983 - Jackie Presser allegedly characterized that office as an "electric chair" and a "death chair." Regarding the success of government prosecutions of Teamsters presidents Beck and Hoffa, Presser said: “If you are totally honest and if you try to clean up the union and you try to do it fast enough and without accommodations so the government won't get you, the other guys, the hoods, will get you; just like they got Hoffa when he threatened them (the mafia bosses). So that's a death chair either way.”
 
Roy Williams, Teamsters President from 1981 to 1983, testified in a federal hearing that in the late 1950s, a few years after the pension fund was established, he left a meeting one night and was shoved into an automobile, blindfolded, and driven to a location where a bright light was shone on him. He was warned that he had better start cooperating with mobster Nick Civella on his requests for pension fund loans or his wife and children would be killed. “You will be the last to go,” he was told.
 
Williams stated he then became Civella’s “boy.” Civella paid Williams $1,500 a month for seven years in return for helping him get $87.75 million in loans from the Teamsters Central States Pension Fund. “I make no bones about it," said Williams, "I was controlled by Nick Civella.”
 
During his short tenure as president, Williams was forced to reopen the national trucking agreement in September 1981 and accept a two-year wage freeze, which the union ratified in March 1982.
 
The extent of the Mafia's infiltration of the Cook County Sheriff's department, municipal police departments, the judicial system, unions, and Chicago's political machine during the 1980s wasn't known by the public until it was exposed years later through a half dozen or more major FBI undercover operations.
 
JFK AND THE OUTFIT
 
 
 
Operation Greylord
 
Several judges and lawyers, posing as crooks, worked with the FBI as part of an undercover operation in Cook County that resulted in the indictment of 92 officials; including 17 judges, 48 lawyers, 8 policemen, 10 deputy sheriffs, 8 court officials, and 1 state legislatorNearly all were convicted.  The crimes were committed in the 1970s and early 1980s and included bribery, kickbacks, fraud, vote buying, voter intimidation, impersonation, political coercion, racketeering, obstruction of justice, and trafficking of illegal drugs. - Operation Greylord   -  United States v Judge Murphy
 
 
Operation Gambat

Federal prosecutors described Operation Gambat as a "movable feast" of public corruption, in which government officials conspired to fix everything from zoning cases to murder trials during the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s.  The defendants included a former Cook County Circuit Court judge, a State Senator and a longtime Chicago city Alderman. The undercover investigation began in March 1986 when attorney Robert J. Cooley, a former Chicago Police officer, criminal attorney, and a First Ward insider under Alderman Fred Roti's thumb, told the FBI that he had been paid to "fix" murder and assault cases.
 
In April 1993 Judge Thomas Maloney was convicted of accepting $10,000 to fix the double murder trial of two former El Rukn gang leaders; receiving a cut of a $100,000 bribe to acquit three New York gang members in 1981; and $4,000 for a favorable verdict in a voluntary manslaughter case dating back to 1982.  Maloney "fixed" three murder trials (possibly six according to Justice Department allegations).  Payoffs were funneled to him by two convicted Gambat attorneys.
 
Operation Gambat revealed that Cooley passed $10,000 to Judge Frank Wilson in order to secure an acquittal for Harry Aleman, an accomplished Outfit assassin accused of murdering truck dispatcher and Teamsters Union steward William Logan in 1977. Judge Wilson, who'd retired from the bench in 1980, was to be interviewed by FBI agents who demanded more information about his First Ward criminal political tie ups.  With the Feds at his doorstep, Wilson put a gun to his head in the backyard of his retirement home in Sun City Arizona and blew his brains out. - Operation Gambat
 
 
Robert Cooley, Operation Gambat Interview
 
Cooley, a mafia attorney, went under-cover for 3 years to gather evidence against Outfit connected judges, lawyers, and powerful politicians.
 
 
 
Operation Family Secrets

Eighteen previously unsolved murders and one attempted murder, all between 1970 and 1986, and all but one in the Chicago area, formed the core of a racketeering conspiracy indictment spanning four decades against fourteen defendants. After a lengthy FBI led investigation code named Operation Family Secrets, FBI and IRS agents arrested defendants in Illinois, Arizona and Florida. The charges alleged that the defendants, including two retired local law enforcement officers, were members of, or in some manner associated with, “The Chicago Outfit,” a criminal enterprise also known as the “Chicago Syndicate,” and the “Chicago Mob.” Eleven of the defendants were convicted on charges of conspiracy, including committing 18 murders, to further the Outfit’s illegal activities, such as loan sharking and bookmaking, and to protect the enterprise from law enforcement. - Family Secrets Indictment
 
 
 
MAFIA CONTROL OF FOOD AND DRUG DISTRIBUTION
 
In 1979, Congress passed legislation to deregulate the freight industry, opening it up to competition from non-union companies that sought to cut costs by curbing wages and avoiding unionization. Deregulation had a disastrous affect on the Teamsters. Nearly 200 unionized carriers went out of business in the first few years of deregulation. By the end of 1982, thirty percent of Teamsters in the freight division were unemployed.
 
Chicago's pharmaceutical distribution business in 1982 was in a state of turmoil. Hundreds of area truckers and warehouse workers from mafia controlled unions had been forced out by non-union employees who frequently worked for companies also controlled by the mob. The remaining unionized carriers demanded concessions in wages, work rules, and hours. Both union and non-union employees lived under persistent threats of additional job cuts, wage reductions, increasingly violent turf wars between union and non-union employees, and strong-arm tactics used by the Outfit to protect its business interests.
 
What the Tylenol tamperings should have brought to light, and what J&J executives and government officials did not want the public to know, was that the most brutal of all criminals had easy access to drugs like Tylenol during distribution. Drugs were commonly diverted into a thriving grey market that was completely unregulated and was a source of easy money for organized crime. The Outfit controlled the movement of all food and drugs that went through Chicago, the distribution hub of America.
 
Officials from J&J and the FDA insisted the adulterated Tylenol could not have been tampered with until after it had been bottled and placed on the shelves of local retail store. But J&J and FDA officials lied when they claimed Tylenol was bottled and packaged at J&J's manufacturing plants. Tylenol was actually bottled and packaged at local repackaging facilities. There were many points in the distribution channel where the Tylenol could have easily been adulterated. The delivery of Tylenol was not the simple, well secured process that Johnson & Johnson and the FDA led the public to believe.
 
Tylenol was packaged at facilities employed by union workers who would suffer severe consequences if they voiced their concerns about the industry's corrupt business practices and connections to organized crime. The Tylenol capsules filled with cyanide in 1982 and 1986 were shipped to local distribution centers and retail stores by trucking companies controlled by the mafia. Drivers who delivered the Tylenol, and warehouse workers who handled the Tylenol, had recently been forced to take drastic cuts in pay and benefits. They had no job security and their pension fund had been looted by their union leaders and the mob. Any union employee who spoke out against the corrupt, unsafe and illegal business practices would be threatened, beaten, or fired.
 
It would have been difficult to find a worker involved in pharmaceutical distribution in and around Chicago in 1982 who didn't have a compelling reason to lash out in a violent manner against their union, their employer, and the pharmaceutical manufacturers that turned a blind eye to the distribution industry's corrupt and unsafe business practices. Mobsters had easy access to Tylenol at every point along the channel of distribution. Nevertheless, officials in charge of the Tylenol murders investigation insist to this day that the killer was an anonymous madman who had no access to Tylenol during distribution.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Robert Cooley explains the history of Chicago:
The city’s grim reputation is rooted back in the Roaring Twenties when Al Capone emerged victorious from gang warfare and went on to become a household name. Oddly enough, far less is known about his successors and their grip on the city during the last half of the twentieth century.But that is when Chicago’s Mafia became the single most powerful organized crime family in American history. While Mob bosses knocked each other off on the East Coast, in Chicago they united into a monolithic force called the Outfit. They would literally control the cops, the courts and the politicians – a corrupt trifecta that Capone dreamed about, but never came close to achieving. The Outfit demanded a cut of every criminal enterprise in the region, from a lowly car theft or private poker game to a jewelry heist. To enforce this “street tax,” their Hit Men killed with impunity, knowing that crooked judges would throw out any case against them. Their bookies brazenly took bets in nightclubs, at racetracks and even in government office buildings, confident that contacts in the police department (at one point as high up as the Chief of Detectives) would warn them before the vice squad could make a raid. Mobsters ran Chicago union locals, and national organizations for the Laborers and the Teamsters. This unprecedented combination of brute force and political clout let the bosses feed at the public trough with no-show jobs for their goons and municipal contracts for themselves and their associates. Government became one of their most lucrative rackets.

In his 1969 book, Captive City, investigative journalist Ovid Demaris called the Outfit, “the most politically insulated and police-pampered ‘family’ this side of Sicily” and estimated, even then, that their take was in the billions. With such total domination of their home turf, they could wander far and wide. By the Seventies, the FBI reported that Chicago’s Mob controlled all organized criminal activity west of the Mississippi – including and especially Las Vegas. Millions were skimmed from casinos like the Tropicana and the Stardust, and bundles of cash, stuffed in green army duffel bags, found their way back to the Outfit’s bosses. Meanwhile New York’s mobsters had to content themselves with the slim pickings of Atlantic City.
 
 
 
 
 
 

ORGANIZED CRIME AND THE LABOR UNIONS

PREPARED FOR THE WHITE HOUSE IN 1978

RE: CHICAGO LABORERS-PAGES 31-39


ORGANIZED CRIME AND THE LABOR UNIONS

This is a preliminary report on the organized crime influence in the labor unions today in the United States. The picture that it presents is thoroughly frightening. At least four international unions are completely dominated by men who either have strong ties to or are members of the organized crime syndicate. A majority of the locals in most major cities of the United States in the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union (HRE), Laborers International Union of North America (Laborers), and International Longshoreman's Association (ILA) unions are completely dominated by organized crime. The officials of these unions are firmly entrenched; there is little hope of removing them by a free election process. Convictions for misconduct have been sparse and when one corrupt official is removed another soon takes his place. The result has been a complete domination of certain industries by hoodlums. Management personnel in the companies who must deal with these hoodlums have despaired of getting help from law enforcement authorities. They pay the price of labor peace so that they may survive. The cost is passed on to the consumer.

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Action must be taken to eliminate this syndicate control. Not only is this syndicate domination a national disgrace, it is a threat to the free competition to certain parts of the economy.


 

Peter F. Vaira
Attorney in Charge
Chicago Strike Force

Douglas P. Roller
Attorney in Charge
Cleveland Strike Force

 

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Research and Intelligence Analysis for this report was performed under the direction of Hope Breiding, Intelligence Analyst and Research Coordinator, U.S. Department of Justice.

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PREFACE

This paper is an overview of the infiltration of organized crime in the labor unions of the United States. This is a preliminary report; other areas will be covered at a later date. After an initial period of research we decided to concentrate on the international unions which are most infiltrated by organized crime, and which pose the greatest threat to the economy. Without a doubt the worst are the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, International Longshoreman's Association, the Hotel and Restaurant Employees (this includes Bartenders and Culinary Workers) and Laborers International. We have sought to identify the major officers in these international unions and in most of the member local unions who are syndicate controlled, and the organized crime figures to whom they answer. This report is not intended to be exhaustive. There are hundreds of officers in these unions who are syndicate controlled in some manner. We have selected only the most significant and those which could be documented with more than a mere allegation.

There are many other unions which. are hoodlum infiltrated, such as the Laundry Workers and the Operating Engineers. Most

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of these unions are smaller in scope than the four mentioned above, and should be the subject of a supplemental report.

The information in this report is based upon reports made by the Federal Bureau or Investigation, Department of Labor and the Strike Forces. In each case attorneys and agents were interviewed to update the reports. Several journalists from national news organizations were interviewed, as well as investigative agencies outside the federal government.

Included in this report is a study of two cities, Chicago and Cleveland, as examples of how pervasive and disciplined the syndicate control can be, and the extent of the political and economic power which necessarily results.

New York City. Organized crime has a substantial foothold into the labor unions in the New York City area. Experienced investigators from the Labor Department list over 100 unions with members of organized crime or their associates in positions of power. The time schedule for the presentation of this report did not permit a thorough examination of the allegations and evidence concerning all these individual unions. Labor Racketeering in the New York area has been designated as the subject of a later report. The New York unions are set out in the Appendix to this report.

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Teamster Central States Pension Fund. No attempt was made to analyze the organized crime influence in the Teamster Central States Pension Fund. The fund has been the subject of several investigations in the past two years by the Department of Labor and the Internal Revenue Service. There is much information which was uncovered by those two agencies however, a thorough summary of that voluminous information would have required much more time and man power than could be allotted for this report. 

The recommendations are preliminary, and are solely those of the writers of this report.

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.

HOTEL AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES AND

BARTENDERS INTERNATIONAL UNION (HRE)

The Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union .represents the converse of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. In the teamsters, the corruption and organized grime influence are a result from the massive infiltration of the local unions. The HRE on the other hand has been infiltrated from the top. This occurred as a result of the power wielded in the Chicago area locals and joint executive board by Joey Aiuppa, the underboss of the Chicago Syndicate. Edward Hanley was elected president of HRE International in 1973 on the power and influence of Aiuppa and the Chicago mob.

This is not to say that none of the locals are hoodlum controlled or that Hanley is the first corrupt president of the Union. Nevertheless, Ed Hanley represents the classic example of an organized crime take-over of a major labor union. Since his election, Hanley has moved to solidify his power, both in terms of the local Union officials and elements of organized crime. Likewise, the HRE, under Hanley's guidance has moved to insure support in the appropriate government circles by carefully selected and generous political campaign contributions.

The following is a summary of the International officers, their organized crime affiliation, and their method of operation.

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I. UNION OFFICIALS

EDWARD T. HANLEY (International President) - Hanley was born in Chicago on January 21, 1932. His associates include Joey Aiuppa, organized crime boss of Chicago, and organized crime figures John Delasandro and Rich Conboys. Hanley's brother-in-law is Frank James Calabrese, burglar and loanshark collector. Hanley was hand-picked for his current position by Joey Aiuppa. Hanley started his union career in 1957 as Business Agent for Bartenders Local 450 in Cicero, Illinois, and held a similar post in Local 278 of the Chicago Bartenders union, both of which are tightly controlled by Aiuppa. In 1962 Hanley became president of the Culinary Workers Chicago Joint Executive Board, which is also under the control of organized crime. He became International President in 1973.

JOHN F. GIBSON (International Secretary-Treasurer) Gibson was the former President and a full-time Business Agent of Local 430, Miscellaneous Hotel Workers, St. Louis, Missouri. As a bartender in St. Louis, Gibson was a protege of Johnny Vitalk of the St. Louis organized crime family. He is also close to Morris Shenker, the powerful teamster lawyer

HERMAN "BLACKIE" LEAVITT (International Vice President) Leavitt was for years Secretary-Treasurer of Local 284, Bartenders, Los Angeles.

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In 1968, Leavitt was sent by the International Union to Las Vegas to head the drive to organize the casino dealers. Local 7 was chartered and competed with the Seafarers Union in three NLRB elections. They lost all three - at the Sahara, Desert Inn and Silver Slipper.

During the organized drive Leavitt was in constant contact with Sidney Korshak, who was giving Leavitt advice on how to lose the elections.

HERBERT D. "PINKY" SCHIFFMAN (International Vice President) is also President of Local 355, HREU in Miami, Florida. In December, 1976, he was convicted of Title 29, United States Code, Section 186(b)(1)(d) for accepting gratuities from hotel owners. Schiffman is an associate of several southern organized crime figures.

J. BELARDI (International Vice President) - is also president of the major local in San Francisco. He is a close associate of Tony Romano, a lieutenant in the Buffalo organized crime family who has recently moved to the San Francisco Bay area.

Hanley has increased the ranks of organizers for the International from 27 to 104 during his tenure as President of

1/ Korshak at that time was the Labor Relations Consultant for the Strip Hotels.

 

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the Union. The increase in funds spent for organizing amounted to $4,800,000. In spite of this, the membership rolls of the Union have declined. Many of the persons placed on the payrolls as organizers are organized crime figures or friends of Hanley, mostly from Chicago. A few of the more noteworthy examples are as follows:

JACKIE PRESSER (International Organizer), was put on the International payroll one month after HANLEY assumed office and received $11,000 salary, $4,630 allowances and $301 expenses, for a total of $15,391 for Fiscal Year 1974. Until recently Presser was also President of Local 10, HREU, Cleveland, Ohio. The organized crime affiliation and involvement of Presser through, and independent of the Teamsters Union are well documented.

JOHN LARDINO (International Organizer) - is a major organized crime figure in Chicago. He asserted his Fifth Amendment privilege 73 times in testimony before the McClellan Committee, mostly in response to questions concerning his associations with Joey Aiuppa and other organized crime figures.

PAT BATTISTA (International Organizer) - is also president of the Local 278, Chicago. He recently purchased a home in Palm Springs for $89,500. He is also an associate of Joey Aiuppa. Battista was placed on the payroll shortly after Hanley assumed office.

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ANTHONY SPANO International Organizer) - Spano is both a union organizer and the full time head of Cicero Local 450, where Hanley began his union career. The close relationship between Spano and organized crime is exemplified by an incident that occurred in 1968; a free parking permit for Arlington Park racetrack issued to Local 450 ended up on the car of Tony Accardo's wife.

TED HANSEN is a former Chicago fireman with no prior labor experience. He is Hanley's brother-in-law. Likewise, John O'Gara and Joseph McLaughlin are organizers with no prior experience. Both are Hanley's cousins.

The following is a summary of "he criminal influence in key HRE locals across the country.

Local 50 HRE - Hayward, California. Secretary Treasurer Joseph Medeiros is closely associated with Abe Chapman and Anthony Romano, Northern California Organized Crime Figures. Medeiros has often been suspected of committing arson against hotels while attempting to organize them. Medeiros is also under investigation for inflicting beatings upon union members during an intra-union power- struggle.

Local 30 HRE - Los Angeles.. The Secretary Treasurer, Joe Tinch, was allegedly hand-picked for this position by Los Angeles LCN figure Joseph John LiMandri.

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Local 151 HRE - Atlanta. This local is controlled by Hanley supporter Herbert "Pinky" Shiffman. Shiffman who is also the President of a Miami local and an International Vice President, was recently convicted of accepting a discount for a room at an Atlanta hotel where his members are employed. Another Hanley man is President of Local 151, John T. Timperio.

Local 64 HRE - Kansas City. This local was formed as a result of a merger of 4 locals by the International. During the two years it was in receivership, the local was run by Michael Salerno, hand-picked by Hanley. Salerno is under investigation for allegedly embezzling organizing funds disbursed to him by the International. When the local was taken out of receivership in 1976, Baldasaro Palmentere, former bagman for Nick Civella's right hand man, Danny Lawson, appeared as the Secretary Treasurer of the local. Hanley supported Palmentere who according to DOL is trying to gain control over all the locals' funds.

Local 278 HRE - Chicago. The President is Pat Battista, also an International organizer. He was placed on the payroll soon after Hanley assumed the presidency of' the International. He is an associate of Chicago LCN member Joey Aiuppa.

Local 304 HRE - Chicago. Mickey Cogwell was president this local prior to his fraud conviction in the early 1970's.

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Local 450 - Chicago. This local was started in the 1930's by organized crime boss Joseph J. Aiuppa. Hanley was a business agent- for the local in 1961.

Local 10 - Cleveland. Jack Presser, Cleveland LCN figure, and Teamster International Vice President, is former president of this local. He resigned when the DOJ began an investigation of the International Union. Jack Lubin, Vice President, is convicted arsonist. He is a principal subject in a Strike Force investigation involving a massive fraud on the Northern Ohio Bank.

.

Local 66 - Buffalo. Local president, Sam Cariola is an associate or Jimmy LaDuca, Buffalo LCN member, and an attendee of the famous Appalachia organized conference in 1958.

There is a suspected sweetheart contract between this local and the Costintino Hotel chain, which is owed LCN interests. The result of the sweetheart contract is that once employees are hired by the hotel chain, they are transferred to other HRE locals where wages and benefits are lower.

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THE INTERNATIONAL LONGSHOREMAN'S ASSOCIATION (ILA)

The International Longshoreman's Association has a long history of organized crime influence. The New York Waterfront Commission was created in the 1950's to combat the corruption which was so pervasive on the piers at that time. A powerful novel "On the Waterfront" by Bud Schulberg was written in the 1950's about the Brooklyn waterfront. The situation today has changed little. Nearly all the international officers of the ILA are under the control of organized crime.

The union is the subject of one of the most concentrated Department of Justice investigative efforts in the country. Numerous ILA officers are under investigation for shaking down steamship and stevedoring companies. The corruption is so rampant that investigators assigned to the case feel that every international officer must be placed under scrutiny.

 

Doug Rago, an international vice president, is a member of the organized crime syndicate. He is generally conspicuous by his absence from the general offices. He answers directly to Anthony Salerno of the New York Genovese family.

The two officers of the ILA who are the major syndicate frontmen are Anthony Scotto, in Brooklyn, and George Barone, in Miami. The Eastern seaboard is divided up under their jurisdiction.

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Anthony Scotto is president of Local 1814 in Brooklyn and an assistant general organizer of the international union. He began his career in Local 1814, under the guidance of syndicate figure Anthony Anastasia, his relative by marriage. He is a front for the New York Gambino family. Scotto was once hailed as a new breed of longshoreman union leader. He was appointed as a delegate to the International Labor Organization by Presidents Johnson and Nixon. He is currently a labor advisor to New York; Governor Carey. The FBI reported in December, 1973 that prior to attending one of the international conferences Carlo Gambino, New York mafia chieftan, summoned Scotto and gave him an envelope to deliver to an individual in Palermo, Sicily during his visit. In the late 1960's the New York Waterfront Commission held hearings on Scotto and his alleged interest in a business which received a quarter of a million dollar loan from a bank which had received $700,000 in ILA deposits. Scotto was also the subject of the McClellan hearings in 1969 Scoto is responsible to the Gambino for ILA activities north of Norfolk, Virginia.

George Barone is president of Local 1922 in Miami and an international vice president. He controls the ILA territory

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south of Newark, New Jersey for the syndicate. There is evidence that Barone delivers payoff money directly to Doug Rago in New York. Barone is generally supervised by Fred Field, an international organizer from New York. Field was indicted in New York in 1976 for taking a $100,000 payoff from United Brands Fruit Company to allow delivery of produce during a strike.

 

George Boyle is vice president of the Local. Both Barone and Boyle are targets of the current Department of Justice investigation 'or taking payoffs.

 

The syndicate controlled ILA leaders extract money for labor peace. They also direct steamship companies to the stevedoring, container repair, and service companies which are to be employed. These favored companies either pay the union leaders for their efforts, or are owned or controlled by the syndicate. Those companies which do not pay simply do not get business. Steamship companies know that using an unauthorized company will result in slowdowns and breakage Any amount of delay in unloading or loading a ship is tremendously costly. Every hour is worth thousands of dollars.

In addiction companies are forced to place hoodlums or their relatives on their payroll. For example, a son of

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a New Jersey syndicate boss works for a steamship company in New Jersey. His job is to award contracts .to container repair companies. He owes his job to mafia influence. An associate of the Genovese family was placed on the payroll of a marine repair company in Staten Island by Anthony Scotto. He has absolutely no experience to justify his position.

Sweetheart contracts with the ILA take many forms. A common one is to allow a stevedoring company to have only a few union workers. The remainder are nonunion, earning as little as $3.00 per hour with no health and welfare or pension benefits. The profit benefit to the stevedoring company from such an arrangement is tremendous, permitting it to out bid other competitors. The price for such a contract is a substantial payoff to the union leader which is passed on to the organized crime syndicate.

These abuses are common throughout the jurisdiction of the ILA. The result is that the shipping industry is controlled completely by the LCN. The syndicate dictates who does business on the east coast and in what manner. No competition prevails. The flagrant operation of the syndicate and the ILA is a national digrace.

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INTERNATIONAL TEAMSTERS

The International Brotherhood of Teamsters has long been dominated and indeed captivated by organized crime. Much has been written about this infiltration. It would be little more than repetitious to catalogue here the past abuses in the Union, particularly in the mismanagement of the Central States Pension Fund. One factor, however, appears quite evident by even a superficial review of the growth of the Teamsters over the past several years: Although there have been numerous prosecutions of high ranking Teamsters officials (e.g. Williams, Presser, Allen Dorfman, and Jimmy Hoffa) the domination of the Union by organized crime has gone unchecked.

Part of the problem of dealing with the organized crime infiltration of the Teamsters is a basic lack of concrete inside information. Although the files of the Justice Department are replete with examples of specific transactions involving numerous Teamster officials an overall review of the nationwide organized crime influence in the Union is difficult to prepare because of a lack of centralized intelligence. The recent investigation into the abduction and murder of James R. Hoffa has provided fresh information. Information developed during the Hoffa investigation has demonstrated the strong

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links between organized crime figures such as Anthony Provenzano, Rosario Bufalino, Anthony Giacalone, Guv Guarnieri, Salvatore Provenzano, Angelo Bruno, Salvatore Briguglio and the Teamsters officials.

The investigation revealed clearly that Frank Fitzsimmons is closely associated with and is in continual contact with Anthony Provenzano, Anthony Giacalone, and Rosario Bufalino. Even more disturbing is that the Hoffa investigation disclosed that decisions directly affecting the operation of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters and the selection of its leaders are controlled completely by organized crime. Anthony Giacalone, Anthony Provenzano, Rosario Bufalino, Mattie Ian and others directed the murder and the obstruction of the investigation that followed.

Angelo Bruno head of Philadelphia LCN family has been instrumental in maintaining control of the witnesses from the New Jersey-Pennsylvania area who have appeared before the Detroit Grand Jury.

Organized crime not only controls Frank Fitzsimmons; but Union officers at all levels. International Vice President and organizer William J. ,McCarthy, is closely linked to Gennaro Angiulo of the Boston LCN. McCarthy is said to utilize the

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syndicate's muscle to maintain his power. This power solidifies not only his position in the two international offices he holds but also as president of joint council 10 and local Union 25.

International Vice President Roy Lee Williams and Samuel Ancona, a general organizer, are closely associated with the Nick Civella organization in Kansas City.

William Presser is a major international officer allied with organized crime. His ties to the crime syndicate are spread across the country. He began his rise to power in Cleveland through the sponsorship of Anthony Milano, consiglieri of the Cleveland LCN family. Presser is a confidant of Anthony Liberatore, a convicted murderer, president of Cleveland Laborers Local 860, and a member of the Cleveland Sewer Board.

 

Presser also has an association with the LCN families on the west coast through Anthony Liberatore's brother John who is involved in the LCN structure in Los Angeles, and Peter John Milano, Anthony's son, who is also an LCN lieutenant in Los Angeles. Presser is connected to the Detroit syndicate through John San Filippo, Business Agent of Cleveland Teamster Local 346, who is allied to the Luanoli brothers of Detroit and Cleveland.

The ramifications of this LCN power are awesome. Witness the arrogant act of the murder of James R. Hoffa who was most

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likely killed because of a fear of his potential rise to power to challenge the present union hierarchy.

 

Thus there is a nationwide "shadow" governing body supervising the affairs of one of the largest and most powerful Unions in the country.

The key to the controls of the international union is a continued domination of the major local unions throughout the country. The following review or hoodlum dominated locals illustrates the magnitude of the infiltration of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters by the crime syndicate.

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Local 25 IBT - Boston. President William McCarthy is a close associate of Boston LCN figure Gennaro Angiulo.

McCarthy uses the Winter-Hill syndicate gang to help enforce his union policies. Local 25 is under investigation by the FBI and Department of Labor for misuse of union funds. There is a suspected alliance between Sal Provenzano of New Jersey and McCarthy. There is also a connection between Local 122 IBT and Local 25. Most recently officers of Local 122 have been successful in putting members of the Winter-Hill gang on the payroll of a local Budweiser plant, although all these men are all members of Local 25.

Local 398 - Buffalo. The vice president, Sam Campanella, is a syndicate member and an associate of Sal Gingello, Rochester underboss. John Frorino, a syndicate member, is a union steward. Capo Richard Morino served as a trustee of this local until his conviction for murder. James Canarozzo, svndicate associate, `'as Secretary Treasurer until he was convicted of a felony in 1976.

Local 693 - Binghamton Has been infiltrated to such an extent that de facto control is in the hands of syndicate bosses Russel Bufalino of Northeastern Pennsylvania and Guv Guarnieri of Binghamton.

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Local 124 IBT - Detroit. Indictments and investigations have ousted Richard Fitzsimmons and his cohorts from Local 299. These individuals have now moved to start a new union, 124 Steelhaulers. They plan to take the truck drivers who haul steel to the auto companies and transfer them to Local 124.

 

They also plan to divert some funds to the new union. Some of the steel hauling companies are owned by organized crime figures. Through the use of sweetheart contacts with the hoodlum companies and labor slowdowns against their competitors, the syndicate will thereby control the steelhauling market in the Detroit area.

Local 614 IBT - Detroit. Joseph Bane, Secretary Treasurer, has recently been convicted of embezzlement of union funds and mail fraud. There is also a current investigation involving Bane, Frank Ryan, President of Industrial and Miscellaneous Worker, in an attempt to organize Vlasic Pickles. Bane and Ryan threatened to organize the drivers of Crowell Trucking, the freight hauler for Vlasic, unless Crowell made payments to Bane and Ryan.

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Local 985 IBT - Detroit. The president of this union is William E. Bufalino, Jr., an attorney, and an old James R. Hoffa associate. Bufalino is currently coordinating the witnesses in the James Hoffa disappearance investigation. Bufalino has close ties to the Giacalones of Detroit, the Provenzanos of New Jersey, and Russel Bufalino, the boss of the Northeast Pennsylvania syndicate.

Ohio States Conferences of Teamsters - William Presser is the Chairman of this conference. His son, Jackie, is recording secretary, and John J. Felice, a confidant of Jimmy Hoffa, is Trustee.

Teamster Joint Council 41 IBT Cleveland - William Presser is the President and Jackie Presser is Vice President of this organization. John J. Felice, Jr., is recording secretary. John J. Felice is very close to Chuck O'Brien and Tony Giacalone. Also an employee of Joint Council 41 prior his death was John Nardi a major figure in the organized crime community in the Cleveland area.

Locals, 73, 293, and 796 IBT Cleveland - All three of these Teamster Locals are controlled by John J. Felice, Jr. In Locals 73 and 293 he is the Secretary Treasurer and his father is President. In Local 796 he is also Secretary

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Treasurer with Jackie Presser being the President. As mentioned above Felice is a confidant of Chuck O'Brien and Tony Giacalone.

Local 856 IBT - Northern California. Rudy Tham, Secretary Treasurer, is associated with syndicate figures Jimmy Fratianno, Bernie Barish, Abe Chapman and Anthony Romano. Tham also serves as recording secretary or Joint Council 7, which is headed by Jack Goldberger, an associate of James Duardi and Fratianno.

Local 416 - IBT Cleveland. This local has long been a haven for members of the Cleveland LCN. A former official Pat Catalano was murdered in 1965 as the result of a gang war. Nick Nardi, the current Secretary Treasurer is a brother of the later Nick Nardi who was killed in May 1977 in a LCN power struggle. Nick Nardi, as was his brother, is a member of the Cleveland LCN.

Local 410 - IBT Cleveland. The former Secretary treasurer, John Nardi, who was recently murdered, has been identified as a member of the LCN. He has been involved in the investigation of a murder of an Akron, Ohio contractor.

Local 703 - IBT Chicago. This union represents the produce haulers. The Secretary Treasurer is Dominic Senese, a Chicago syndicate member and a relative by marriage of Anthony Accardo, Chicago Syndicate head. Senese is a powerful man in the

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the Teamsters Union, and has been rumored for a job with the international. He is currently under investigation for taking payoffs for awarding health and welfare insurance contracts for his union to a syndicate company.

Local 714 IBT - Chicago. This local represents the exhibition contractors who set up trade shows at Chicago exhibition halls. The union is used by the Chicago syndicate for giving hoodlums jobs by placing them on the payrolls of the contractors. The union also shakes down contractors, forcing them to accept unwanted labor and selling them cleanup services. David Kaye, chief steward at McCormick Place Exhibition Hall, was recently convicted by the Strike Force on 74 counts of Taft-Hartley violations for forcing contractors to place him on a number of payrolls at the same time.

Local 727 IBT - Chicago. This union represents chauffeurs, funeral drivers, greasers and wash rack attendants. The secretary treasurer is James Eco Coli, a syndicate member. He is currently under investigation for misuse of union funds.

Local 705 IBT - Chicago. This is the largest Teamster local in Chicago. The union was recently under investigation for taking $2,000 per month in payoffs to allow Pacific Inter-

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Mountain Express to deliver certain commodities without union drivers. The money passed through a paper company owned by a syndicate lieutenant.

Local 777 IBT Taxi Drivers - Chicago. This union is controlled by Joey Glimco, long time syndicate powerhouse in the union movement. Glimco is the henchman of Joey Aiuppa and Anthony Accardo. His influence extends far beyond his control of Local 777.

Local 239 IBT - New York. LCN member Anthony "Ducks " Corallo has always maintained control over this local which represents retail automobile salesmen. None of his relatives have appeared on the officer roster since the passage of the Landrum-Griffin Act. However, recently, his son has appeared on the local's roll as trustee.

Local 814 IBT - New York. The president is LCN member Saverio Aiello who is actually controlled by LCN member Orlando Caralluzo. This local controls the commercial movers in New York.

Local 295 IBT - New York. This was originally a paper local set up in the late 1940's by Johnny Dio and Abe Gordon. Harry Davidoff was one of the original officers. Davidoff recently turned the local over to his son Mark. Mark Davidoff

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has recently been attempting to join all IBT locals who have organized airport freight handlers in a single group. This association of unions would thus have control over all freight operations at all the major New York airports, this giving Davidoff power to extort and shakedovm the airports. So far this attempt has been unsuccessful.

Local 805 IBT - New York. Abe Gordon, a Johnny Dio associate, is also the president of this local. He is currently under investigation for shaking down Japanese electronics firms.

Local 41 IBT - Kansas City. Roy Williams, Secretary Treasurer, is a powerful national teamster. Williams' ties to the syndicate date back to the early 1960's. At that time he was under indictment for embezzling union funds. The chief witness, Floyd Hayes, was shot gunned to death.

Law enforcement officials believe that Williams went to members of the Nick Civella family to have the killing done. Since then he has been in debt to the syndicate. Sam Ancona, a local organizer, is the go-between for the syndicate and Williams. Some observe believe that Williams is being groomed to take the place or Frank Fitzsimmons when he leaves office.

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Civella, through Local 41, forces a local cartage company, Yellow Freight Lines, to put his otherwise unemployed hoodlums on the payroll.

Local 560 - New Jersey. Salvatore Provenzano is the current president although Anthony Provenzano is believed to be active in running the local. Sal Briguglio, Anthony Provenzano, Harold Koeingsburg are being investigated by the FBI for the kidnap murder of Anthony Castellito, a former 560 official in the early 1960's. Information has come to light through a witness who has recently agreed to testify against the participants. The Provenzanos and Briguglio are major subjects in the Hoffa investigation.

Joint Council 73 - New Jersey. Gerardo Catena, New Jersey syndicate boss, controls the Joint Council. Catena reportedly has the veto power over the establishment of any teamster chapter in New Jersey.

 

Local 810 IBT - New York. Milton Silverman, closely tied to Johnny Dio and Abe Gordon, is still unofficial power in the union, following his conviction of misuse of union funds. Silverman is under investigation for his part in a strike breaking effort against a rival local.

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Local 182 IBT - New York. Officials of Local 182 are under investigation by the FBI for negotiating a sweetheart contract between the local and the P & R Corp., a company run by Guv Guarnieri, Binghamton syndicate leader.

Local 35 - Philadelphia. Frank Luicidi and Samuel Guidotti, local officers, are associates of Philadelphia syndicate boss Angelo Bruno. Both are under investigation for Taft-Hartley and Pension Fund violations.

Local 500 - Philadelhia. Secretary Treasurer William Brown is connected with syndicate lieutenant Frank Sindone. Brown is supposedly receiving kickbacks from payments made to a labor relations company by Food Fair Stores in return for labor peace.

Officials of Local 500 are also under investigation for receiving kickbacks from an administrator of. the severance pay fund.

Local 326 - Wilmington, Delaware. Secretary Treasurer Frank Sheeran is a former chauffeur for Russel Bufalino, Northeast Pennsylvania syndicate boss. Sheeran is under investigation with Bufalino and Philadelphia syndicate figure Robert Rispo for selling labor peace through Country-Wide Personnel, a company operated by their associate Eugene Boffa.

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LABORERS INTERNATIONAL OF NORTH AMERICA (LABORERS)

This union generally represents unskilled manual laborers in the construction field. It has long been subject to organized crime control. The international president is Angelo Fosco, who succeeded to the office after the death of his father, Peter Fosco. Peter Fosco was the first ward committeeman of Chicago before he became an officer of the union. Peter Fosco's ties to organized crime go back to Al Capone. Angelo Fosco has followed in his father's footsteps. He is the tool of the crime svndicate. Major decisions regarding Laborers' union contracts are made by organized crime leaders, not Angelo Fosco. In Chicago Fosco follows the orders of Al Pilotto and Vincent Solano, two local union presidents who are also LCN lieutenants, and Joey Aiuppa, underboss of the Chicago syndicate.

The same syndicate control is apparent in other parts of the country. Jimmy "Blue Eyes" Alo(sp) of the New York Luchese family oversees the Laborers union activity in the Miami area. Similar organized crime infiltration can be found in Cleveland, St. Louis, Buffalo, and New York.

The following summary of the infiltration of some of the major locals across the country will indicate the influence of organized crime in the Laborers International Union.

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Local 5 - Chicago. The president of this local is Alfred Pilotto, former bodyguard for the late Frank LaPorte, syndicate boss of the Calumet City-Chicago Heights area. Following LaPorte's death in 1973 Pilotto took over the syndicate control of the illegal activities in that area. His close associate is Al Tocco, recently released from federal prison. Pilotto is one of the five major lieutenants of the Chicago syndicate. In addition to his kickbacks for union activities, he receives a portion of the profits for gambling, loan sharking, and auto theft in south Chicago.

Local 1 - Chicago. The president, Vincent Anthony Solano, is a ruling member of the Chicago LCN. In addition to his duties as labor leader he also controls the illegal activities on the north side of Chicago. Joseph Aiello and Salvatore Gruttadauro, two Local 1 business agents, are also known LCN members. No one without hood connections can aspire to leadership in this Local.

Local 767 - Miami. Because of the surge or construction in the past ten years in the Miami area, a number of hoodlums have moved from New York to Miami and have entered the Laborers union in that area in order to gain control of the construction business. The most conspicuous is Local 767.

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The Local president John Giardello, recording secretary and business agent Sal Tricario, and business agent Joseph Giardello, are connected with organized crime figure Johnny Dioguari of the New York Luchese family.

The attorney for the local union and the union trust funds is Seymour Gopman who is under investigation both in Miami and in Chicago for income tax evasion and kickbacks in violation of 18 U.S.C. 1954. Gopman is also under investigation in Miami for. participating in making union loans to Louis "Treetops" Imburgia, a syndicate associate from New York.

Gopman encouraged Local 797 officials to authorize $735,000 in loans to several companies, two of which have Imburgia participating in their operation, and a third in which Gopman and Laborers southeast district council president Bernard Rubin have an interest. Laborers District Council of Southeast Florida. Bernard Rubin is the president of the Laborers District Council of Southeast Florida. He has recently been convicted by the Miami Strike Force on 103 counts of embezzlement of union funds.

If Rubin's conviction is upheld, his position will most likely be filled by John Giardello, a henchman for the Luchese family. Bernard Rubin has allowed over $4OO,OOO in union funds to be

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loaned to the Sage Corporation, an international development company headed by Canadian organized crime figure George Wuaneaux.

Local 110 - St. Louis. A business manager of the Local is D. Raymond Massud of the Syrian faction of the St. Louis syndicate. His son, John Massud, serves on the executive board. Leo Briguglio, an associate of Anthony Giardano, St. Louis LCN boss, is also on the executive board. Anthony Leisure, also a member of the Syrian faction, and a suspected fence, is a business manager. Francis Michaels, brother of Jimmy Michaels, head of the Syrian faction, is employed as an organizer. Matt Trupiano, a suspected member of the LCN, now an international representative, was an organizer for Local 110 until 1974.

Local 42 - St. Louis. The individuals in power in this Local were once a part of the late Buster Wortman gang. T. J. Harvel, president, is a strong arm man and a retired burglar. He was a close friend of mobster Lou Shoulders. Harvel was with Shoulders on the ill fated fishing trip in 1972 when Shoulders was killed in a violent explosion upon starting his car. Harvel is also secretary treasurer of the East St. Louis Laborers District. Council. Harvel's son is a business manager for Local 42.

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Ray Flynn, an active fence who is currently under investigation by the FBI for interstate transportation of stolen property, is employed as a business manager. Frank Shoulders, brother of the late Lou Shoulders, is a business manager.

Local 210 - Buffalo. This Local is controlled by Joseph A. Pieri, a capo of the Buffalo LCN. His relatives, Joseph R. Pieri and John Pieri, also LCN members, are business managers. The following members of the Buffalo LCN are also officers:

Angelo Massaro - Business Manager

Joseph Todaro, Jr. - Business Manager

Victor Randaccio - Secretary Treasurer

Sam Caci - Trustee

Daniel Sansanese, Jr. - Trustee

Local 860 - Cleveland. Tony Liberatorte(sp), business manager,(see page 51) has served 20 years for a conviction for the murder of a policeman. He has recently been appointed to serve on the Cleveland Sewer Board despite heavy criticism from the press. In 1973 Liberatore supplied $150,000 in stolen securities to Harry Hall, a teamster hanger-on, for sale in Chicago.

 

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CHICAGO

A classic example of the infiltration of labor unions by organized crime is in the city of Chicago. Al Capone was successful in dominating the labor movement in the 1930's in order to control legitimate businesses. That domination continues today. Nearly every major local of the Teamsters, Hotel and Restaurant Employees (Bartenders), Laborers International, as well as other unions within the city are controlled by the LCN.

Until his death in 1974 syndicate underboss Paul "The Waiter" Ricca appointed most officials of Chicago's major unions. After Ricca's death the power of appointment fell to Joey Aiuppa, the chief henchman of Anthony Accardo. In return Aiuppa receives a large share of the shakedowns and kickbacks. Problems in union discipline or with recalcitrant employers are solved with muscle supplied by Aiuppa.

The most striking and dramatic evidence of the hoodlum control in Chicago is in the Laborers International. In the 1960's the president of Local 1001, which represents the city street and sewer. workers, was Frankie Esposito (Frankie the X). Esposito was put in power by Sam "Mo Mo" Giancanna, then the syndicate boss. FBI electronic surveillance disclosed that

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Esposito had angered Giancanna. Giancanna dispatched a team of hitmen headed by Jackie Cerone and James ""Turk" Torello to kill Esposito who was vacationing in Florida. According to tape recordings of the electronic surveillance, the killers planned to do away with Esposito, cut up his body in small pieces, and feed it to the sharks off the Florida coast. Esposito was warned of the plot by the FBI and he subsequently cooled the problems with Giancanna. He continued to act as president of the powerful union until his natural death in 1967. Esposito's nephew, Anthony Esposito, Jr. was the secretary treasurer for two years until he was convicted of selling cocaine. The current president, Joseph Spingola was appointed to his position by Paul "The Waiter" Ricca.

Local 5 of the Laborers is headed by Al Pilotto, one of the most powerful men in the country in the international union. Pilotto, like his counterpart Vincent Solano in Local 1, also holds a position of power in the Chicago syndicate. The men are two of the five lieutenants under Joey Aiuppa who control the illegal activities in the city. Solano has charge of gambling, prostitution, shakedowns on Chicago's north side, while Pilotto performs the same functions on the city's south side. Pilotto's power base

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is Chicago Heights, which has been an organized crime stronghold since the days of Al Capone. Pilotto's brother Henry is the chief of police in Chicago Heights. Gambling, loan sharking, and other illegal activities thrive in Chicago Heights under the police protection. One of the most lucrative stolen car chop-shop operations in the country operates in that area because of the protection of the Pilotto brothers. They have fostered the operation of William Dauber, a hitman who has thirty killings to his credit.

Local 1 Laborers. The president of this local is Vincent Solano mentioned above. Solano, a syndicate lieutenant, was the chauffeur, bodyquard and companion of the late Ross Prio, the boss of Chicago's north side until his death in 1972. Solano inherited the territory after Prio's death. Also in this local are syndicate associates Joseph Aiello and Sal Gruttadauro, both union business managers. Gruttadauro has a brother who is a syndicate operative in the Gary, Indiana area. Gruttadauro was a close associate of Fiore Buccieri, LCN lieutenant until his death in 1972.

Frank De Monte and Frank Colaianni are two other syndicate associates who are business agents of Local 1.

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Chicago Laborers District Council. Secretary treasurer of this organization is James Caporale, a lieutenant of Pilotto. Pilotto, Solano, and Caporale control Laborers International president Angelo Fosco.

 

Most recently the Chicago Strike Force uncovered a scheme in which Pilotto, Fosco, Caporale, and Dominic Senese of Teamster Local 703 were receiving payoffs from Consultants and Administrators, a small company owned by a syndicate associate which supplies medical services to members of their locals. Each received $l,OOO in cash per month plus a percentage of the gross receipts of the company. Payoffs also went to Joey Aiuppa who had the final approval of the contracts. This information was supplied by an officer of Consultants and Administrators who had actually made some of the payments. The FBI executed a search warrant for the company office at the time the payoff money was kept in a desk drawer awaiting distribution. Over $12,000 was seized in separate envelopes. Each envelope contained $1,000 except that intended for Aiuppa. That envelope contained over $5,000.

Teamsters.

The teamsters locals in Chicago are a reflection of their corruption-riddled International.

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Local 703. This union represents the Produce and Dairy Haulers. The secretary treasurer is Dominic Senese, a relative through marriage of Anthony Accardo, the syndicate boss. Senese is a close associate of Joey Glimco, the syndicate's power man in the labor unions. Senese was Glimco's leg breaker when Glimco took control of Local 777. Senese took the Fifth Amendment when subpoenaed before the McClellan Committee in the late 1950's. Senese is a powerful man in the labor movement, and is rumored as being considered for a post in the international union. He was named Man of the Year in 1975 by the Joint Italian American Civic Committee of' Chicago.

Local 714. This local represents the men who carry and set up the exhibition equipment in McCormick Place Exhibition Hall. Because McCormick Place is one of the largest and busiest exhibition halls in the United States this union wields tremendous power. Any delay in a trade show or convention incurs irreparable damage. Exhibition contractors cannot protest the slightest demand from the union. As a result the chief steward who supplies the manpower to the contractors is all powerful and can demand extra pay, extra benefits, and force the contractors to take on some of the

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most unsavory individuals--convicted felons, dope peddlers, cartage thieves, as workers on their crews. Many such workers will not show up for work or steal the merchandise while they are collecting a full days pay.

The last two chief stewards have been convicted in federal court and have been sent to jail for shakedowns. Davey Kaye, the latest steward, spent eight years of a twenty year sentence in Florida for shooting a recalcitrant union member and dumping him in a canal. Kaye was convicted in 1976 by the Chicago Strike Force on 74 counts of taking money from employers in violation of the Taft-Hartley law. Local 714 has made a point of placing organized crime figures on the payrolls of exhibition contractors.

 

There was a major scandal in October, 1976 when the Chicago Tribune reported that Rocco Infelice, syndicate member, and Mario Garelli, his associate, both on appeal bond after being convicted of distributing heroin, had been placed on the payroll at McCormick Place by David Kaye.

Local 714 has been designated as the local which will attempt to organize the Chicago Police in 1977.

Local 727. This is a small union of slightly over 3,000 members. It is the personal fiefdom of James Eco Coli, syndicate member, burglar, convicted armed robber and strong

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arm man. He is a close associate of Joey Aiuppa and Anthony Accardo. Experienced investigators have termed his misuse of union 'funds as one of the most egregious abuses of union power they have seen. For example, the union usually takes in approximately $400,000 per year in union funds. In one year alone Coli had $150,000 paid to himself for salary and benefits. The union constitution, carefully drawn by some of the best labor lawyers, vests all power in Coli to give raises and benefits. Coli is currently under investigation by the Chicago Strike Force for misuse of union funds.

Local 705. This local is one of the largest local unions in Chicago. Recent FBI investigations have revealed that some unidentified union officials at the highest levels within the union were getting $2,000 a month in kickbacks from a major trucking firm for exceptions to their contract for hauling special commodities into Chicago.

 

The conduit was a sham company run by organized crime figure George Dicks, a strong arm man for Gus Alex. These contract exceptions could not have been allowed without concurrence from top union officials.

Local 777 Taxi Drivers. Secretary treasurer of this local is Joey Glimco, whose true name is Giuseppe Primavera, one of the most feared and powerful men in the Chicago labor

 

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movement. He has been in labor politics since 1933 when he was an organizer for the Poultry Handlers Union. One of his sources of power was the late Murray "The Camel" Humphreys, a top syndicate lieutenant. Glimco was twice indicted by federal authorities. The first, in 1954, involved shakedowns of merchants at the Fulton Street Market. He was acquitted after several witnesses changed their stories. The second was £or taking payoffs in violation of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1965. He entered a plea of nolo contendere and was fined $40,000. Local 777 also controls truckers on the waterfront who haul the goods from the piers after they are unloaded by the longshoremen. The International Longshoreman's Union strongly opposed this move, but Glimco was successful in carrying it out. Through Glimco's syndicate power he exerts his influence into many-other unions in the Chicago area.

Local 46 Laundry Workers The president of this local is Gus Zappas(sp), frontmen for the late Murray "The Camel" Humphreys. Zappas has a record of over 43 arrests. He served time in the state penitentiary in the 1940's for burglary.

 

Testimony before the McClellan Committee revealed that Zappas had plotted to peddle the ransom money from the Greenlease Kidnap Murder in the 1950's for a commission. He is an

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associate of Ernest Infelice, convicted dope peddler and Joey Aiuppa, underboss of the Chicago syndicate.

Local 110 Motion Picture Operators Union. This local has been completely hoodlum dominated since the 1930's. The history of the union is riddled with violence and murder. Until recently the president was Clarence Jalas, frontmen for the late underboss Paul "The Waiter" Ricca. The union's current roster includes names and relatives of hoodlums that reads like the syndicate version of Who's Who. Hoodlums who would have a difficult time loading an instamatic camera are $15,000 a year projectionists. Anthony Accardo's son is a motion picture projector operator and union official. Most recently there has been a wave of theatre bombings in Chicago in an attempt to organize small local theatres. The object or this organizational effort is to force the theatre to place a second projectionist' on the job, although only one is required. The second position is simply a featherbedding cover for the syndicate men who need the appearance of legitimate jobs. An investigation is under way into this and other practices of the union.

Local 136 Machinery Movers. This union like Local 714 IBT also has jurisdiction over certain aspects of the

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exhibition shows at McCormick Place in Chicago. Like Local 714 it is a haven for hoodlums. The president, Charles La Tour has a felony record for armed robbery and assault with intent to commit murder. He served a sentence of five years in state penitentiary. La Tour and Davey Kaye, convicted chief steward of McCormick Place, are close associates.

 

Local 450 Hotel and Restaurant Employees (Bartenders). This union was chartered by Joey Aiuppa in 1935 as an effort to keep syndicate ccntrol of the tavern business. The local, like other HRE locals, are creatures of organized crime. The present international president of HRE, Edward Hanley was once a business agent for this local. The current president was installed in 1958 by syndicate members John Lardino and Joey Aiuppa after the McClellan hearings. As an example of the organized crime connection of the union, in 1968 a free parking permit, for a local racetrack that was issued to Local 450 was ultimately used on the car owned by Tony Accardo's wife.

Local 278 Hotel and Restaurant Employees (Bartenders). The current president is Pat Battista. Battista is associated with Joey Aiuppa and John Lardino. In addition to living in Chicago he also has an $89,000 home in Palm Springs.

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Local 304 Hotel and Restaurant Employees (Bartenders). This union operates mostly on the south side of Chicago. The president in the early 1970's was Mickey Cogwell. Cogwell was forced out office after his federal conviction for mail fraud for misusing HEW education funds. He was carried on the books as salaried janitor. He was also appointed as an organizer by the international president. Cogwell was gunned down in gangland style in February 1977. Prior to his death the FBI had determined that he was using Local 304 business agents as runners and pickup men in a policy business.

This Chicago summary indicates that the syndicate influence is not only heavily concentrated but disciplined. The control comes directly from the top of the Chicago organization. The rosters of these locals are littered with the names of men whose job it is to serve the syndicate as enforcers and muscle men. The collective bargaining agreements, health and life insurance contracts and investment of union funds are negotiated by men who have as their primary aim the protecting of syndicate business interests and lining their own pockets.

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CLEVELAND

The leaders of organized crime captured control of the major portion of the labor movement in Cleveland at an early date. This domination continues to this day.

One of the first documented association between organized crime and the labor movement dates back to the early 1940's when John Scalish, the former head of organized crime in Cleveland, and his close associate Frank Embrescia, came into the control of the Cleveland Federation or Labor. Scalish's contact was William Finnegan the Secretary of the Federation. Embrescia and Scalish were both associates of Mickey Cohen, the notorious Los Angeles racketeer.

The real influence of organized crime in Cleveland's Labor Unions begins with Anthony Milano, who during the late 1920's and early 1940's was consiglieri of the Mayfield Road gang, the predecessor organization to the current Cleveland syndicate. Milano gained a foothold in the Teamsters Union by organizing the Commission House Workers Teamster Local 400. The Teamsters were unable to organize the commission house workers and Milano made a deal that if the Teamsters would place an individual of his choosing as the head of the Union he would see that the commission house workers were organized.

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The Teamsters agreed, and Milano organized the workers. The Teamsters subsequently placed Charles Cimino as the head of that organization pursuant to Milano's request. 

The Teamsters Union was also infiltrated by organized crime figures Louis "Babe" Triscaro, Frank Brancato, Michael Rini, John J. Felice and several others, all with the assistance of Milano and Scalish. Mike Minaden an LCN member and currently an official of Laundry Workers Local 1 was an associate of Milano dating back to the early 1920's.

Although Milano's influence within the labor movement has diminished recently because of his age and inactivity, John Scalish and his close associate Maishie Rockman continue the control of the labor unions, especially in the Teamsters through Bill and Jackie Presser. It is generally believed that William Presser gained his position as International Vice President through the Cleveland organized crime family connections with the Detroit and Chicago organized crime syndicates.

There are organized crime figures or close associates of organized crime figures in virtually every Teamster organization in the Cleveland area. A discussion of Teamsters in Ohio and the Cleveland area must begin with William Presser. He is closely allied to all major organized crime figures in the area including Anthony Milano, John Scalish, and John DeMarco, now

 

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deceased, and on a national level, Allen Dorfman. Presser, had been a close ally of Hoffa, and now Frank Fitasimons.

Jackie Presser, his son, has continued to build his public image in the area through appointment to various civic organizations and favorable publicity in the media. He is cultivating political contacts including a close association with Governor Rhodes, and appears on his way to surpassing his father in power and influence throughout Ohio. His goal is reportedly the presidency of the International Teamsters Union.

Closely allied with William and Jackie Presser is Harold Friedman, brother in law of William Presser, who controls Bakery and Confectionery Workers Local 19 as President. Harold Friedman is a convicted felon and a former close associate of Hoffa.

Tony Hughes, Teamster Local 507 Recording Secretary, former prizefighter and muscleman, is a close associate of Jackie Presser and co-owner with Presser's wife of the Forge Restaurant.

John San Filippo, Teamster Local 346 Business Agent, is an associate of Thomas Licavoli, who was the head of the prohibition era Detroit-Toledo Purple Gang and convicted killer who was released from Ohio Penitentiary in 1971. San Filippo was also associated with LCN members Babe Triscaro and Frank

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Brancato, both deceased. Since "Babe" Triscaro's death in 1974, Local 436, one of the largest Teamster locals in the area, has been placed in trusteeship with William Presser as a Trustee. Sam Busacca, Triscaro's son-in-law and Local 436 Vice President has been permitted to continue to operate the local under the trusteeship.

Teamster Local 410 is made up of vending machine service employees. It's primary function appears to be to maintain peace in the vending machine industry through assurance of sites and locations of machines and equipment. Organized Crime figures have been deeply involved in the vending machine business, including the late John Scalish, Milton Rockman, and Frank Embrescia. Carmen Milano, son of Tony Milano, and an attorney, has, over the years been paid a retainer for few, if any, services to this Local along with similar payments he has received from other Teamster Locals including Local 436. 

Nick Francis, President, Teamster Local 416, a local made up of non-skilled employees, received the charter for this Local in 1958 through the intercession of Tony Milano. Local 416 has become a haven for organized crime personalities. In the late 1960's Pat Catalano began clashing with Harold Friedman of Local 507 over organizational jurisdiction. In addition, he began openly displaying a lack of respect for Tony

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Milano. In April, 1968, Catalano was killed, his body has never been found nor his murderer apprehended. After Catalano's disappearance, Nick Oriti, long-time friend and associate of Milano and boyhood friend of Frank Brancato, succeeded Francis as Local 146 Secretary-Treasurer. Nick Nardi, brother of the late LCN member John Nardi, and nephew of Tony Milano, is Trustee and Business Agent of Local 416.

Teamster Local 415 chartered in October, 1973, has as its principal officers, Dennis Francis and Robert Nardi, sons of Nick Francis, Teamster Local 416 Secretary-Treasurer and the late John Nardi.

John Felice, Senior and his son John, Junior, control Local 292. John Sr., is now semi-retired and control of the organization has been gradually turned over to John Jr. Felice Sr., has been close associate of William Presser and Babe Triscaro through the years. The Felice family is known to have been closely associated with Yonnie Licavoli. Felice Sr., visited Licavoli while in the Ohio Penitentiary and identified himself as a second cousin. Felice Jr., is associated with Jackie Presser in Loca1 796 as Secretary-Treasurer nephew of deceased LCN figure Frank Minnitti Tony Liberatore is Business Agent, of Laborers Local 860. Liberatore spent 20 years in the Ohio Penitentiary for a

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gangland-style killings of two Cleveland Detectives. He was a close associate of the late Babe Triscaro. Liberatore was the local representative of the Hoover-Gorin Public Relations Firm, which was awarded a contract for $1.3 million annually by the International Teamsters Union. William Presser was instrumental in arranging this contract between the Teamsters and newly formed Hoover-Gorin. Liberatore is present on the Sewer Board of the City of Cleveland.

The President of Laundry Workers Local l is Michael Minaden, known LCN figure and former organization bagman. 

Longshoremen Local 1317, which provides the manpower for the Port of Cleveland has a long history of violence going back to the days when Danny Greene headed the Union. Greene was removed from Office following a conviction for violations of the Landrum Griffin Act.

Greene has been associated with various organized crime figures over the years. He has a very close association with Frank Brancato. Since leaving Local 1317 he has been involved in a rubbish hauling association. Greene is believed to be behind many of the bombings which have occurred in Cleveland in recent years. He is also believed to have been involved in a shakedown of contractors on major construction projects in the area along with Brancato.

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Ironworkers Local 17 has a long history of violence, muscle, shootings, bombings, assualts, and murders. It has been a haven for ex-convicts over the years.

 

Restaurant Workers Local 10 is an amalgamation of former waitresses, bartenders, cooks, and miscellaneous restaurant workers locals, which controls the restaurant industry in Cleveland. The local President until recently was Jackie Presser. Another official is Jack Lubin, a suspected loanshark and convicted arsonist.

Local 18, Operating Engineers, is a state-wide organization engaged primarily in operation of heavy equipment. This Local has a long history of violence, muscle, and bombing activity. The trade relationship between Local 18 and teamster Local 436 and Liberatore's Laborers Local 860 has resulted in a close working relationship between the three. Nick Satullo, a known bomb expert, was part of Local 18 operation for many years. There has also been a close relationship between this organization, Teamsters Local 436, Laborers Local 860, and the Excavating and Paving Contractors Association.

 

A consequence of organized crime's total domination of the labor movement in Cleveland has been the exertion of power in political and commercial circles where dependence upon unions is a necessity. For instance, the City of Cleveland

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operates the Cleveland Convention Center and Public Hall. The undisputed but yet unofficial boss of the Cleveland Convention Center is Teamster Local 407 President Eddie Lee. Although Lee's sole function is the head of the Local which unloads and moves about exhibits for conventions, he controls the entire hall. The consequence of such activity is the enrichment of Eddie Lee and the chaotic running of this major source of source of revenue for the community. These abuses are under investigation by the Cleveland Strike Force.

 

The most significant result of organized crime influence over the labor unions is the resulting political influence. The Cleveland area is primarily an industrial community in which the unions wield a tremendous amount of political power. Corrupt union leaders are able to dictate their wishes to political candidates. Judges and prosecutors must curry their favor.

Michael Rini, former Teamster Local 400 President and now Administrative assistant and Labor Advisor to Mayor Ralph Perk plays a dominant role in hiring and firing of county officials. Rini is also know as a "fixer" for any problems that may arrive for influential organized crime figures. Rini was responsible for the transfer of a Police Sergeant who was harrassinq

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prostitution activities at the Sterling Hotel, a Local organized crime and Teamster hangout. Ernest Zeve, owner of record of the Sterling Hotel is an associate of William Presser. Rini is a protege of Babe Triscaro who was responsible for Rini's rise to power.

Michael Rini is also partially responsible, along with Anthony Milano, for placing Anthony Liberatore on the Cleveland Sewer Board.

Cleveland is a labor town, and the labor unions are in the hands of organized crime. Through this power organized crime has a definite say in the political and economic life of the city.

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THE ABUSE OF POWER

The uses to which a syndicate controlled union can be put are many. Control of a labor union results in jobs for hoodlums, access to millions of dollars in union and pension funds, and gives a base for political and economic power.

Lucrative Salaries. Syndicate controlled union officials draw extraordinary salaries. For example, the trustees of the Central States Teamster Pension Fund make $400 per day plus expenses when working on pension fund business. They usually log 200 days per year for the fund. This salary is in addition to the salaries many others are collecting from their other local union jobs. Union leaders often draw salaries from more than one organization within the union, or from more than one union. Joseph Spingola, president of Laborers Local 1001 in Chicago, a frontmen for syndicate leader Al Pilotto, is an officer of three separate Laborers organizations drawing a total salary of $80,000 per year.

The following are examples of the salary and allowances of two ranking officials in the Teamsters union.

 

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INCOME CHART FOR 1974 SALARIES OF PRESSER AND PROVENZANO


 

William Presser's Multiple Salaries For 1974 Total $126,448

Salvatore Provenzano's Multiple Salaries For 1974 Total $84,945

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All the benefits are not reflected in salaries and expenses. For example, James Eco Coli, syndicate member and secretary treasurer of Local 727, Teamsters in Chicago, is a member of the union's pension, severance, and health and welfare plans. In addition, in 1974 he was given a fully funded trust initially worth $150,000 which he will receive when he leaves the union.

Availability of Legitimate Jobs. Hoodlum control of unions enables the syndicate to provide their henchmen, strong arm men, and runners with jobs to give them the appearance of having legitimate employment. Syndicate members and associates can justify their fancy homes and lifestyle to the IRS by means of their positions as business agents or organizers. Often employers are forced to put syndicate workers on the payroll to provide the necessary legitimate source of income.

Availability of Union, Pension, and Welfare Funds. Union control gives control of millions of dollars of general union, pension and welfare funds. Control of these funds allows the syndicate to be a powerful force in the economic lifeblood of the country. Pension funds may be loaned to those who agree to pay a necessary kickback. Consultant fees are given to

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syndicate associates.

Necessary side benefits to syndicate associates. At one time Allen Dorfman, a close Hoffa associate, wrote the insurance policies on nearly all property that was mortgaged with loans from the pension. With use of this syndicate money unchecked there are serious long range threats to legitimate enterprise in industries in which the syndicate choose to invest. Huge blocks of money can have the effect of reaching corrupt bank officials who can be persuaded to provide services and loans to syndicate members and companies in return for the deposit of funds in the bank. A major Chicago bank is currently under investigation for loans made to syndicate projects in return for favorable teamster business. In New Jersey certain banks are under investigation for making direct kickbacks to New Jersey unions through title companies in return for the deposit of union funds.

Pension and welfare funds continue to accrue, often without any possible payment to beneficiaries. Unions such as the Laborers or Hotel and Restaurant Employees which represent many seasonal or transitory workers build up pension and welfare funds which will never be collected. This unused, uncollectable money is found wealth in the hands of corrupt union leaders. It only remains for them to figure out methods to drain off the

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funds that appear legal. In this endeavor they have received considerable help from some of the best minds of the legal profession.

Union Services Awarded to Hoodlum Enterprises. Control of the union allows employment of hoodlum run enterprises to obtain service contracts with the union. Insurance, accounting, legal, travel, banking, and consulting services which can amount to millions of dollars per year when dealing with a large international or local union can be awarded to businesses run by friends, fronts, or relatives of organized crime figures.

Control of the Industry. This particular facet of labor racketeering has the most serious consequences. The union through the power to force slow downs, or negotiate preferential contracts to companies of its choosing can dictate who will prosper in an industry and who will go bankrupt. The recent investigation into the ILA is a most dramatic example of a union dominating an entire industry. Aside from collecting a certain amount per month to insure labor peace and absence of slow downs, the union also dictated which stevedoring companies and service companies received business from the shipping companies. In order to keep its customers the stevedoring

 

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company was required to make payments to the union leaders. If they did not, a work slow down would result when the stevedoring company unloaded a ship. Unnecessary breakage would result. For a shipping company, time at a pier is money-every hour over schedule results in enormous cost. The shipping companies quickly learned which stevedoring companies were preferred. The others lost business. The same preferential treatment is being used to direct companies to the "right" ship supply and container repair companies. Through this method the union has gained control of the entire east coast shipping industry.

The selective use of power allows the union to permit a company to negotiate a favorable contract with the union so that its cost base may be such that it can thwart competition. The union can extract a payoff to allow a company to remain unorganized. The Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union is noted for examples of the latter. Blackie Leavitt, Secretary Treasurer of Loca1 284 in Los Angeles, was sent to Las Vegas to organize the casino dealers at three strip hotels. Leavitt conferred often with Sidney Korshak, syndicate connected labor consultant for the hotels that were being organized. Confidential source information reveals Leavitt and Korshak

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plotted how to thwart the election. The union lost the certification vote at all three hotels. Shortly thereafter Leavitt purchased a large ranch in San Diego County. According to the source the money came from the payoff to Leavitt to throw the election.

The economic ramifications of these abuses hold grave consequences for portions of the economy, yet the hoodlum dominated union leaders grow more arrogant. Witness the attitude within the Teamsters union regarding the disappearance of James Hoffa. Hoffa was about to ripple the waters; he was done away with. The union leadership was unconcerned about the public reaction. In Chicago, Davey Kaye, chief teamster steward at McCormick Place, not only shookdown employers but in doing so consistently took jobs from at least three to five other teamsters each time. Instead of firing Kaye for taking jobs that could have gone to other workers, the union leadership, including the union attorney, contended Kaye was within his rights in doing so. Kaye remains on the job after his conviction in federal court, pending appeal.

 

This abuse of power cannot continue to go unchecked.

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RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Information concerning Labor Racketeering is not systematically analyzed by the Department of Justice. There is no unit which monitors Labor Racketeering which can give any report on the status of the problem`.. It should be a function of the Organized Crime and Racketeering Section to receive copies of all CIR's, investigative reports, and surveys concerning Labor Racketeering so that an up to date status of the problem can be maintained.

For example, the writers of this report discovered in the short time spent assembling the information for it they were able to identify problem areas, key individuals and illegal trends which could not have been easily discerned from isolated reports.

The writers of this report volunteer to act as such a monitoring unit. All that would be required would be the services of one intelligence analyst. We would meet periodically to analyze intelligence information and case reports. We could keep apprised of developments in the area and could advise the Organized Crime and Racketeering Section and the Criminal Division management of problems and trends. We could report also as to the lack of information in certain areas. We feel this up to date information would be valuable for planning

 

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investigations and advising the Attorney General, the Congress or the White House. At present there is no fast, efficient method of making a detailed report on organized crime in the Labor Unions.

2.The two agencies which have jurisdiction over Labor Racketeering have no systematic approach to collecting information. An information request on Labor Racketeering sent out by the Department of Justice in 1975 to the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Labor resulted in mediocre replies. Most of the Department of Labor information submitted was ten years old.

A Federal Bureau of Investigation field office in a city with a most heavy concentration of hoodlum infiltrated unions filed a three page reply consisting of vague allegations. If there is to be any realistic approach to the problem the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Labor must begin a systematic collection of information concerning the organized crime infiltration in the Labor Unions.

3. New methods must be explored for investigating Labor Racketeering cases. Investigation of these matters requires a thorough knowledge of the nature of the inductry involved, the collective bargaining agreements, the custom and usage within the trade, and the history of the union involved.

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Training sessions on the industry should be conducted within an agency before any investigations are begun. 

4. New methods of legal action must be explored. A single conviction of a corrupt union official does not usually clean out the corrupt influence. Civil remedies pursuant to the Rico statute (18 U.S.C. 1961 et seq.) and other statutes should be studied and instituted. If action can be taken to tie up the funds and the power of the corrupt officials, half the battle will be won.

There should be a meeting of the Strike Force Chiefs and some of their key attorneys in the near future with the specific purpose of' exploring new methods of combating Labor Racketeering

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OFFICE OF THE INDEPENDENT HEARING OFFICER

LABORERS' INTERNATIONAL UNION OF NORTH AMERICA

IN THE MATTER OF

JOHN MATASSA, JR

DOCKET NO.

98-43D

LOCAL UNION 2

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

 
 

ORDER AND MEMORANDUM

PROCEDURAL HISTORY

This matter comes before the Laborers' International Union of North America ("LIUNA") Independent Hearing Officer ("IHO") pursuant to the LIUNA Constitution and the Ethics and Disciplinary Procedure ("EDP"),

On June 15, 1998, Disciplinary Charges were filed by the LIUNA General Executive Board Attorney ("GEB Attorney") against John Matassa ("Matassa"). The charges allege Matassa committed barred conduct proscribed by the EDP by being a member of the organized crime syndicate known as the La Cosa Nostra ("LCN"), knowingly associating with LCN members or associates, which membership and association affected the affairs of LIUNA, penrnitting LCN influence to continue in the Chicago District Council, and violating his duty of loyalty to LIUNA.

The IHO held hearings in Chicago, Illinois on December 7-10, 1998. An additional hearing was conducted by telephone on December 22, 1998, for the purpose of permitting crossexamination of GEB Attorney witness John O'Rourke ("O'Rourke") on a post-hearing affidavit of O'Rourke submitted by the GEB Attorney on request of the 1110. Post-hearing briefs were filed by both parties on January 28, 1999. The GEB Attorney filed a reply brief on February 5, 1999. Matassa's attorneys were also afforded the opportunity to file a reply brief but chose not to do so. Matassa's attorneys supplemented their post-hearing brief on March 24, 1999.

 
<snip>
 

Testimony of Former Law Enforcement Officers

Thomas Bohling ("Bohling") is the commanding officer of the Cook County Sheriff's Police Department. Transcript of IHO Matassa hearing, December 7-10, 1998 ("Tr") 285. Bohling was a member of the Chicago Police Department from 1968 to 1994. Id. Bohling

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joined the vice unit of the Chicago Police in 1974, and spent the main part of his career assigned to the prostitution unit and investigating the pornography industry. Tr. 286. In the course of his police officer work, Bohling became familiar with Matassa through surveillance reports, informant information, being introduced to Matassa, observing Matassa on a face to face basis, and historical documents. Tr. 3 02.

 John Dineen ('Dineen") is a retired police officer, currently serving as an inspector on the staff of the LIUNA Inspector General. Tr. 372. Dineen first joined the Chicago Police Department in March 1959. Tr, 373. In February 1967, Dineen was assigned to the intelligence division of the Chicago Police Department, and specifically worked in the organized crime section. Tr. 373-74. From 1980 to 1993, Dineen served as the president of the Fraternal Order of Police. Tr. 375. In 1993, Dineen returned to full-time active police duty and was assigned to the intelligence section where he was assigned to a special project of compiling and updating information on crime figures in the Chicago area. Tr. 376-76. ,

Brian Murphy ('Murphy") is a retired police officer, having served in the Chicago Police Department for 32 1/2years. Tr. 324. During that time, Murphy spent approximately fifteen years in the organized crime unit, inCIuding the period from 1987 to 1998. Tr. 325-26.

 
 

Expert Witness Testimony

The GEB Attorney called O'Rourke as an expert witness. This technique has been accepted in litigation concerning the IBT consent decree. In United States v. Intemational Brotherhood of Teamsters (Sensese and Talerico , 745 F.Supp. 908 (S.D.N.Y. 199), FBI Agent Peter Wacks gave, and the court accepted, expert testimony regarding organized crime membership based upon reading FBI reports, his own notes from being present at FBI debriefings, depositions, testimony of unnamed cooperating witnesses, and FBI physical

5

surveillance. The IHO finds that O'Rourke is an expert in organized crime matters and, as discussed below, has solid information upon which to base his expert opinion.

O'Rourke has been employed as an Inspector with the LIUNA Inspector General's ("IG") Office since May 1996. Tr. 24. O'Rourke previously served as a special agent with the Office of Naval Intelligence in Chicago and at its headquarters in Washington, D.C. for approximately six years. Id. O'Rourke then joined the Federal Bureau of Investigation ("FBI") as a Special Agent and served in Washington, D.C.; Atlanta, Georgia; Alexandria, Virginia; and Chicago, Illinois from 1973 until 1995. Id. Thereafter, O'Rourke became an inspector with the Cook County Sheriff's office where he was assigned to the FBI major theft task force for approximately one and a half years. Id.

O'Rourke spent approximately 23 years of his 32 year career in the investigation of organized crime in Chicago. Tr. 24-25. In that time he has participated in several hundred organized crime investigations and played a role in approximately 75 convictions. Tr. 25.

During his twenty-three years with the FBI, O'Rourke testified before numerous federal grand juries, in numerous trials in federal district court, in special offender hearings, in bail hearings, and in preliminary hearings. Tr. 241. He has testified on the subject of organized crime in the Chicago area in excess of 100 times, inCIuding the structure, individuals involved, and the activities of organized crime in the Chicago area. Tr. 242,

While with the FBI, O'Rourke was a field police instructor and taught CIasses and seminars in organized crime, informant development, and hostage and crisis negotiations. Tr. 26. Over the course of twenty years, O'Rourke also conducted CIasses for the Cook County State Attorney's Office, the IRS, and the United States Attorney's office for the Northern District of Illinois. Tr. 241.

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The IHO finds that O'Rourke is qualified to testify as an expert witness in organized crime matters, particularly with regard to the Chicago area. As described below, O'Rourke based his opinion on substantial interviews and personal investigation.

O'Rourke related the procedures used by the FBI in CIassifying organized crime figures. In order for the FBI to CIassify and place an individual as a member or associate of organized crime, one of several requirements must be met. two organized crime confidential informants with known reliability must independently identify an individual known to them and their associates as a made member; Title III electronic surveillance taped conversations between two known organized crime members discussing a third individual in a manner that identifies the individual as a member; statements by a member of organized crime identifying someone as a made member overheard by an FBI undercover agent; or a combination of these instances. Tr, 145.

O'Rourke related information provided to him by eight named cooperating witnesses and ten confidential informants. O'Rourke also related information he had teamed from a cooperating witness who he had not interviewed but who had provided information to the FBI and specifically to O'Rourke's partner. The individuals are discussed as follows,

Umberto Fillippe

Umberto Fillippe ("Fillippe") was a native of Italy living in Chicago and working as a professional maltre d' hotel and waiter. Tr. 150. In approximately 1979, Fillippe became friends with Salvatore Termini ("Termini"), also known as Sal Mango. Tr. 154. O'Rourke interviewed Fillippe in 1996 and early 1997 on approximately six occasions. Tr. 151.

James LaValley

James LaValley ("LaValley") was an enforcer and collector for twenty years, involved in extortion and gambling debt collections, who worked for Leonard Patrick ("Patrick"), Gus Alex

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("Alex"), and Mario Rainone ("Rainone"). Tr. 156. LaValley cooperated with the FBI, provided information, and testified for the government in 1989 and 1990. Id. LaValley was debriefed by both O'Rourke and O'Rourke's partner, Special Agent Tom Noble, during the 1989-1991 time period. Tr. 156-57.

LaValley testified in several federal criminal trials inCIuding those of James Bollman, Alex, Rainone, and Nick Gio ("Gio") all of whom were found guilty and convicted, Tr. 158. O'Rourke interviewed LaValley on several occasions and LaValley provided information concerniu-specific crimes and organized crime in Chicago. Tr. 159-160. O'Rourke testified that LaValley provided correct and accurate information regarding organized crime information in Chicago, inCIuding crimes not previously known to the FBI, but later verified through independent investigations. Tr. 160. After O'Rourke left the FBI and became a LIUNA inspector, he again interviewed LaValley in 1996 while LaValley was in the Witness Protection Program. Tr. 161.

William Wemette

Wemette operated a pornographic bookstore on Wells Street, in the near Northside area of Chicago for over ten years, starting in the late 1970s or early 1980s. Tr. 162. Wernette was a long time associate member of the Northside Crew headed by Vince Solano. Tr. 162-63. Before he became a witness in a federal criminal trial, Wernette was also a long time informant for the FBI. Id. Wemette began to pay street tax on his bookstore to Frank Schweihs ("Schweihs"), a mob collector and enforcer, also known as "the German."Id. After Weinette began paying the street tax, he agreed to cooperate with law enforcement officials and testify in court. Tr. 163. The FBI then made numerous consensual recordings and videotapes of Wemette's conversations with Schwiehs during meetings in which the street tax payments were made. Id. O'Rourke has viewed the recordings and utilized them on a regular

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basis in police training seminars on organized crime. Id. Wemette testified against Schweths in an extortion case in federal court where Schweihs was found guilty and sentenced to prison. Tr. 164. O'Rourke had numerous telephone conversations with Wemette from December 1992 until June 1993, while he was in the Witness Protection Program. Id.

Joseph Granata

Joseph Granata ("Granata") was part of the Cicero Crew under Joseph Ferriola. Granata's father, Frank Granata Sr., had been deeply involved with organized crime for many years, and Granta's brother, Frank Granata, Jr. was associated with the Elmwood Park Crew. GEB Attorney Exhibit ("GEB Ex.") 34. Granata's father was also a relative by marriage of Paul DeLucia, a major figure in the Chicago Outfit during the 1940s. Granata entered the Witness Protection Program in the early 1990s. Id. O'Rourke intervicwcd Granata on November 4, 1996, on July 14, 1997, and on numerous occasions between June 13, 1997, and December 1998, Id. at 5.

Leonard Patrick

Prior to joining the IG's office, O'Rourke interviewed Leonard Patrick ("Patrick") several times in 1990-1991. Id. at 7. Patrick was arrested on extortion charges in the early 1990s, agreed to cooperate with the FBI and plead guilty to organized crime activity. Ld. At that time, Patrick was the highest ranked Chicago Outfit member to have ever cooperatedwith Chicago authorities, Id. Patrick was a key person in the top levels of the Outfit's gambling operations. Id. In the 1950s, Sam Giancana ("Giancana7), the boss of the Chicago Outfit, told Patrick to report to Alex, which Patrick did up to the time of his arrest and cooperation. Id.

Patrick has testified in numerous federal criminal trials including those against Rainone, Gio, and Alex. All three resulted in convictions. Id. at 8.

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        Robert Cooley

O'Rourke interviewed Robert Cooley ("Cooley") in person, on October 10 and December 18, 1996, and by telephone on July 29, 1995 under the auspices of the Chicago FBI office. Id. At 12. Cooley is presently in the Federal Witness Protection Program. Id.

Cooley was a Chicago police officer and later a criminal defense attorney in Chicago who became involved with organized crime. Id. at 13. Cooley has testified in numerous federal cases involving the Chicago Outfit's influence over politicians and judges. Id. Cooley testified in the following cases: United.States v. Lee On Leong, No. 90 CR 760,1991 WL 30673 (N.D. Ill. Feb. 15,1991); United States v. John D'Arco, Jr., No. 94 CR 514, 1995 WL 42363 (N.D. 111. Feb. 2, 1995) and No. 90 CR 1043, 1992 WL 121603 (N.D. 111. May 18, 1992); United States v. Stillo, 57 F.3d 553 (7th Cir. June 9, 1995), cert. denied , 516 U.S. 945; United States v. Lucious Robbinson, No. 89 CR 4771; United States v. Tom Maloney and Robert McGee, No. 91 CT 477, 1994 WL 96673 (N.D. Ill. Mar. 23, 1994), qLf 4, 71 F.3d 645 (7th Cir. 1995); United States v. Pat Marcy and Fred Roti, No. 90 CR 1045, 814 F.Supp. 673 (N.D. 111. 1992); and United States v. David Shields and Pat DeLeo, 999 F.2 1090 (7th Cir. 1993), cert. denied , 510 U.S. 1071 (1994). Cooley testified in the hearing on the Chicago District Council.

Mario Rainone

Prior to joining the IG's office, O'Rourke interviewed Rainone on October 29, 1989. GEB Ex. 34 at 13. Rainone was the principal street lieutenant for Patrick and Alex. Id.Rainone headed a crew consisting of himself, LaValley, and Gio. Id. On behalf of Patrick and Alex, Rainone participated in extortions, bombings, gambling, and juice loan collections.Id. at 13-14. In October of 1989, the FBI informed Rainone of an attempt on his life and Rainone decided to cooperate with the FBI and was taken into protective custody. Id. at 14.

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Confidential Informants

O'Rourke testified concerning his debriefing of ten confidential informants. O'Rourke did not use consecutive numbers to identify the confidential informants.

O'Rourke operated confidential informant number one ("CI 1") from 1988 to 1996. CI 1 was an associate of organized crime of the type that has a legitimate job but associated with organized crime figures inCIuding Joey Aiuppa, Jackie Cerone, Dominic Senese, Joe Lombardo, and others. Tr. 275. CI 1 personally knew both Matassa and Matassa's father. Tr. 276.

Confidential informant number two ("CI 2") had both criminal and legitimate jobs in the past. Tr. 276. CI 2 is a long time associate of the Chicago Outfit members. He is a fonnal burglar, jewel thief, and cartage thief. CI 2 has been an FBI informant from 1968 to the present and was personally operated as an informant by O'Rourke from the early 1990s until he left the FBI in 1996. O'Rourke continued to debrief CI 2 at least twice a month and has spoken with him as recently as December 4, 1998. O'Rourke said that CI 2's information has been independently verified and found to be reliable by the FBI.

Confidential informant number five ("CI 5") is an FBI informant developed and operated by O'Rourke from 1988 to 1996 when he left the FBI. O'Rourke continues to speak with CI 5 approximately once a week. CI 5 is a City of Chicago employee previously but not currently involved in criminal activities. He has had regular contact with members of the Chicago Outfit over a period of twenty-five years.

Confidential informant number six ("CI 6") is an FBI informant O'Rourke developed and operated from 1985 to 1996. O'Rourke regularly debriefed CI 6 several times per month. O'Rourke continues to meet with CI 6 on an irregular basis. CI 6 was involved in daily gambling operations for the Chicago Outfit and was in regular contact with several individuals

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involved in the Chicago Outfit. O'Rourke stated that the FBI had independently verified CI 6's information and found it to be reliable.

Confidential informant number seven ("CI 7") is an FBI informant developed and operated by O'Rourke from 1986 until 1996. O'Rourke had regular contact with CI 7 from 1986 to 1988, debriefing him on a daily basis. From 1988 to 1996, O'Rourke debriefed CI 7 approximately once a month. Since 1996 when he left the FBI, O'Rourke debriefed CI 7 several times, inCIuding on February 2, 1996 and June 13, 1996. CI 7 is a long time organized crime associate who was in regular contact with a number of high level organized crime bosses, members, and associates for over forty years. O'Rourke testified that the FBI had independently verified CI Ts information and found it to be reliable. CI 7 is personally acquainted with Matassa.

O'Rourke did not personally debrief confidential informant number ten ("CI 10") while employed by the FBI; however, he did know of him while he was an FBI agent. CI 10 was developed and operated by another FBI agent. While a LIUNA inspector, O'Rourke has interviewed CI 10 once in person on January 9, 1997, and once by telephone. Both interviews were arranged by the FBI. CI 10 is still actively associated with the Chicago Outfit and provides information as an informant. CI 10 has had personal conversations with Matassa over a twenty year period. O'Rourke stated that CI 10's information has been independently verified and found to be reliable by the FBI.

Confidential informant number eleven ("CI 11) is an FBI confidential informant who O'Rourke developed and operated from 1974 to 1996, during which time O'Rourke debriefed CI I I on a regular basis. Since 1996, O'Rourke has continued to debrief CI 11 periodically. CI 11 personally knows Matassa. While an employee of the City of Chicago who was not actively

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involved in organized crime, CI 11 knew and had regular conversations with persons who were associates and members of the Chicago Outfit.

Confidential informant number twelve ("CI 12"') is a confidential informant of the FBI. O'Rourke debriefed CI 12 both when he was in the FBI and later as an IG. O'Rourke was permitted to debrief CI 12 with Assistant U.S. Attorney Buvinger, FBI Special Agent Ernie Luara, and a super-visor, Special Agent Jim Wagner, specifically concerning the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union ("HEREIU") and LIUNA. Tr. 169171, 174. CI 12 is a criminal and has been an associate of organized crime for approximately ten years. Tr. 169. From approximately 1985 to 1995, CI 12 was actively engaged on the street, collecting street tax and otherwise participating in organized crime activities. Tr. 170. CI 12 was part of the Elmwood Park Crew.

Confidential informant number thirteen ("CI 13") was an FBI informant who O'Rourke operated from 1992 until 1996 during which time he debriefed CI 13 approximately once a month. Since 1996, O'Rourke has debriefed CI 13 by telephone several times. CI 13 is a long time associate of the Chicago Outfit and continues to be actively involved in criminal activities and engages in regular conversations with a number of high ranking Chicago Outfit figures. CI 13 has personally known MaWsa for thirty years, and visited Matassa's house in the early 1970s.

Confidential informant fourteen CI 14") was an FBI informant who O'Rourke developed and operated from 1992 to 1996, during which time O'Rourke debriefed CI 14 approximately once a month. Since 1996, O'Rourke has debriefed CI 14 in person or by telephone approximately once a month. CI 14 is personally acquainted with Matassa.

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1 O'Rourke has identified this individual as CI 12 and as Q 12.

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The IHO will utilize informant testimony only if independently corroborated and will not base any factual determination on informant information alone.

Joe Ken Eto

Joe Ken Eto ("Eto") was in charge of gambling operations for the Rush Street Crew and in a position of "trusted personnel" for over thirty years. Tr. 75; GEB Ex. 1, Ken Eto Testimony. Eto became a cooperating witness for the federal government after an attempt was made to murder him by Johnny Gattuso and Jay Campise, both of whom worked for Vincent Solano. Eto was shot several times, and was left for dead. Tr. 85. Eto testified before the President's Commission on Organized Crime ("PCOC"). Tr. 81-84. See also GEB Ex. 1.

 Chicago District Council Proceedings

On June 13, 1997, the GEB Attorney filed a Complaint for Trusteeship against the Construction and General Laborers' District Council of Chicago and Vicinity ("District Council"). The IHO held a hearing for nineteen days in the summer and fall of 1997. On February 7, 1998, the IHO issued an Order and Memorandum finding that an imposition of a trusteeship over the District Council was warranted. See In Re: Trusteeship Proceedings Chicago District Council, IHO Order and Memorandum, 97-30T (February 7, 1998). One of the .findings made by the IHO was that certain officers and delegates of the District Council were associates or made members of the Chicago Outfit. Id. The IHO also made findings that Matassa was a member and an associate of the Chicago Outfit. Id.

The GEB Attorney offered the hearing transcripts of the Chicago District Council trusteeship proceedings as evidence in the present matter. Transcripts of a prior disciplinary or trusteeship proceeding are often introduced in evidence in subsequent disciplinary and trusteeship hearings. See In the Matter of Baker, IHO Order and Memorandum, 97-55D (July 21, 1998) and In Re Trusteeship Proceeding Local 225, 97-54T; In the Matter of Tomasello,

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IHO Order and Memorandum, 97-39D (December 5, 1997) and Chicago District Council, IHO 97-30T.

The facts and circumstances in those transcripts will be given the same test of reliability as applied to all hearsay evidence.

 FINDINGS OF FACT

1.                  . Matassa is the President and Business Manager of LIUNA Local Union 2 ("Local 2'). Stipulation at 1.

2.                  Matassa has been a LIUNA member and officer in a LIUNA entity since 1985. Matassa became the Business Manager of Local 2 and delegate to the District Council in 1987, the President/Business Manager of Local 2 in 1989, and Vice President of the District Council in 1995 .2 Tr. 636-37; GEB Ex. 32 at 3775-3786. Matassa has also served as Auditor of the Chicago District Council in 1987 and as Coordinator of Committees after Vincent Solano's death in 1992. Id.

3.                   Matassa has been a trustee to a Chicago District Council affiliated pension fund since 1992, a trustee to the Laborers' Political League since 1993, and a trustee to the training fund affiliated with the Chicago District Council since 1994.

4.                  The FBI defines organized crime as "any group having some form of  organizational structure whose primary purpose is to make money and which utilizes fear, the
threat of fear, murder, corruption, graft, and which has a significant impact in the area in which it
operates, such as La Cosa Nostra." Tr. 26.

5.                   To meet the FBI definition, the group must have a formal or semi-formal intemal organization and a procedure for internal discipline. Tr. 26-27.

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 2 After the trusteeship was imposed over the Chicago District Council in 1998, Matassa ceased being Vice President but remained as a delegate.

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6.                  La Cosa Nostra (the "LCN") is a tightly structured criminal organization which operates in various cities throughout the United States. It is in the business of crime for profit,
Tr. 27. The Chicago Outfi

7.                  The LCN is comprised of groups of individuals organized into entities called families. Tr, 35. In Chicago, the group is not known as a family, but as the Chicago Outfit. Tr. 28. A detailed history of the Chicago outfit and its structure is contained in Chicago District Council,_WO Order and Memorandum, 97-30T (February 7, 1998) at 3 1; see also In the Matter of Roco 1. Napoli and Thomas Fallacara ("Fallacaran, IHO Order and Memorandum, 96-65D (September 265, 1997) at 4.

8.                  The Chicago Outfit's structure consists of the head (the "Boss"), his assistant (the "Underboss"), and an advisor (the "Consigliere"). Tr. 37. The Boss, Underboss, and Consigliere oversee the activities of LCN members and their associates. A capo is a made member who has earned the right to supervise other made members.

9.                  A "made member" of organized crime has undergone an initiation ceremony in which he has agreed to a code of conduct and has taken an oath that loyalty to the organization will be above family, country, and religion. Tr. 28-29. The initiation involves specific rituals and formalities.

10.              The Chicago Outfit operates in "street crews" which are supervised by a capo and are generally divided according to defined geographic areas or criminal specialty. Tr. 38.

11.              "Street tax" is a tribute usually collected monthly by organized crime from persons conducting illegal activities, such as auto theft, prostitution, pornography and bookmaking. Tr. 3 1. It is an extortionate tax to continue to operate the illegal business. Id.

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12.              A "juice loan" is a Chicago term for a loan paid to a loan shark. Id. The loan is given in cash and to receive the loan, the individual must be vouched for by at least one member of organized crime. Tr. 32. The individual must repay the loan on a weekly basis, usually five percent per week (two hundred sixty percent per year). Id. The money repaid does not come out of the outstanding principal and must be paid off in a lump sum. Id.

13.              The number of LCN made members is relatively small. An individual who has achieved made member status will participate in a group or crew, and will engage in the activities of organized crime such as the shakedown of bookmakers, collection of street tax, or running gambling organizations. Tr. 29.

14.              There are two categories of associate of the Chicago Outfit. The first category includes the footsoldiers who carry out the day to day criminal activities of the mob. Examples of footsoldier activities include collecting money from the bookmakers, setting up sports betting rings, making threats and confrontations, and committing murders and other acts of physical violence when necessary. Tr. 30. The second group of associates includes individuals who have seemingly legitimate jobs but are controlled and influenced by organized crime. Id. Such individuals may be politicians, judges, attorneys, bar owners, and others who are able to performsome service for organized crime. Id. These individuals use their influence or business or professional activity in response to the requests of organized crime. Id.

15.              
The Northside Crew

16.              The Chicago outfit has divided the City of Chicago and its surrounding suburbs into territories in which organized crime operates. GEB Ex. 6A. One of these territories, run by the Northside Crew, includes the north side of Chicago, from either the Chicago River or the Eisenhower Expressway to Rogers Park, including the Rush Street area. In this matter Matassa is charged with being an associate, a member, and a boss of the Northside Crew.

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17.              There is well-corroborated evidence that in approximately 1980, the Northside Crew was run by Vincent Solano ("Solano'). Solano was also an officer of LIUNA Local No. 1 From that time to the present, the Northside Crew has been involved in organized gambling activities, loan-sharking, extortion of gay bars or bookstores, bribing police for protection, and extortion of legitimate businesses. The crew was heavily involved in the operation of pornographic bookstores on Rush Street, in the near Northside area. Tr. 71-72. The Chicago Outfit obtained money from pornographic bookstores by means of a street tax: if the stores were owned by one of its associates, the Chicago Outfit obtained money by skimming directly from the operation. Solano was the supervisor of the Rush Street Northside Crew from the late 1960s or 1970s until his death in 1992. Tr. 426. Eto testified before the PCOC that Solano was a capo in the Chicago outfit as well as being involved with Local 1. GEB Ex. 1.

 

18.              Based upon his work as a special agent involved in organized crime investigations, review of FBI files, contact with Chicago Police' Intelligence Division detectives, and interviews of confidential informants and cooperating witnesses, O'Rourke testified that Mike Glitta ("Glitta") was a made member of the Northside Crew run by Vincent Solano, along with Joe Arnold, Ceasar DiVarco, and Babe DeMonte. Tr. 178. As discussed below, this opinion has a solid factual base.

 

19.              A subgroup of the Northside Crew is the Rush Street Crew. Tr. 73. Based upon a review of FBI investigative files, debriefing informants, cooperating witnesses, cooperating subjects, and conversations with FBI colleagues, O'Rourke gave his expert opinion that Joseph "Caesar" DiVarco ("DiVarco") was responsible for operating the Rush Street subgroup of the Northside Crew, and was the overseer of the illegal gambling, loan-sharking, extortion, street tax collections, and pornographic bookstore operations during the 1970s and 1980s. Tr. 99. Based upon personal surveillance and conversations with other state and federal agencies, Dineen stated

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that Joseph DiVarco was an underling of Vincent Solano's crew, a day to day supervisor of the Rush Street area, and was nicknamed "Little Caesar." DiVarco was convicted of RICO violations and died in federal prison. Tr. 423-27. Bohling stated that, based upon historical documents, surveillance reports, Chicago Crime Commission information, and his interaction with other agencies and investigators, Joseph DiVarco was also known as "Little Caesar" and was involved in upper level management of organized crime. Tr. 296-97. At the Chicago District Council hearing, Matassa stated that while he did not know the nature of the charges against DiVarco, he was aware that DiVarco had been convicted. GEB Ex. 26 at 3 8 84.

 

20.              Based upon a review of FBI investigative files, debriefing informants, cooperating witnesses, cooperating subjects, and conversations with FBI colleagues, O'Rourke gave his expert opinion that Joe Arnold was a member of the Northside Crew, a made member of organized crime, and responsible for making juice loans in the 1980s. Tr. 96-97. Bohling also stated that through historical documents, surveillance reports, Chicago Crime Commission information, and interaction with other agencies and investigations, he learned that Joe Arnold was an "upper level management individual" in Chicago organized crime in the Rush Street area of the near Northside of Chicago. Tr. 296. Based upon personal surveillance and through conversation with other state and federal agencies, Dineen stated that Joe Arnold was a virtual partner with Joe DiVarco in running the daily operations in the Rush Street area. Tr. 426, 428.

 

21.              O'Rourke testified that, in his expert opinion, the Rush Street Crew also consisted of Babe DeMonte ("DeMonte"), Joe Arnold ("Arnold"), and Joe Ken Eto ("Eto"). Tr. 73. Eto told the FBI that he was a member of the Rush Street Crew and worked for Solano.

 

22.              The GEB Attorney has presented evidence of various factual circumstances which he contends is evidence of Matassa's organized crime membership or association. Each factual

 

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circumstance will be examined below for its independent probative value, and to determine if it is corroborated by other evidence.


Matassa's Participation in Extortion Activities

 

23.              When interviewed by the FBI, Eto explained that Vic Arrigo, Johnny Matussa [misspelling in original] also known as Pudgy, and DeMonte acted on behalf of Solano and DiVarco in making the first approach to new businesses which were targeted for a street tax. Tr. 115. See also GEB Ex. 6A. Well-established businesses, however, were approached directly by Mike Glitta ("Glitta") or Jasper Campise. Tr. 115.

 

24.              CI 12 told O'Rourke that Matassa extorted money from Northside bars and on one occasion was intercepted on tape and indicted in federal court for extortion. GEB Ex. 34 at 23. The 1140 accepts C 12's information about the extortion as it has been corroborated by other sources. The IHO specifically notes that Matassa was not found guilty of the charges, and therefore, the IHO does not accept as probative the fact Matassa was indicted. The IHO does not accept any testimony regarding the tapes that CI 12 alleged existed; such tapes were not produced at the hearing and their contents were not discussed.

 

25.              Frank DeMonte was an underling of Vince Solano in the Rush Street crew, had several felony convictions and was a LIUNA official. He died in 1992. Tr. 422. DeMonte spent time in jail for contempt of court. Tr. 627. Matassa testified at the Chicago District Council hearing that when DeMonte was jailed for contempt of court, DeMonte asked Matassa to collect loan money from the owner of a gay bar. Tr. 627-28. Matassa testified that the amount was approximately three or four thousand dollars but denied that the amount was for a street tax payment. Tr. 628-629. The IHO finds Matassa's explanation to be incredible. Given the individuals involved, and the circumstances of collecting several thousand dollars from the

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owner of a gay bar, the IHO finds that Matassa, at the very least, should have known he was collecting money for an operation related to organized crime.

 

26.              The IHO finds that Matassa collected money for a known organized crime figure, under circumstances which indicate the collection was not pursuant to a legitimate loan.

 

 Matassa's Participation in Illegal Gambling Activities

 

27.              Eto told the FBI and the PCOC that he worked for Solano and was in charge of running gambling operations, specifically Bolita, Monte, and other ethnic gambling games which were mob controlled. Tr. 75. Eto stated he paid $ 1,000 a month to Johnny Apes Monteleone ("Monteleone") for protection of a Monte game he operated in Irving Park. Tr. 120. GEB Ex. 613. Eto stated that during the time period in which he was operating a monte game, he knew John Matassa, known to him as "Pudgy." Tr. 121. GEB Ex. 613. Eto described Matassa as the son of a present or former Chicago Police Officer. Tr. 121. Eto also stated that Matassa had a friend working on the Tactical Unit of the police district. Eto provided Matassa with the telephone and address of Eto's monte game so that it would not be raided by the Tactical Unit. Tr. 121. GEB Ex. 6B.

 

28.                The IHO finds that Matassa acted as a go-between for protection of Ken Eto's monte, game.

 

29.                Eto stated that a Las Vegas type gambling operation took place at the Grand Plaza Hotel in Rosemont, Illinois, Tr. 125. GEB Ex. 6D. Eto frequented the Grand Plaza Hotel operation. Tr. 126. GEB Ex. 6D. Eto met with DeMonte and John Matassa at the operation. Id. Eto also said that Jasper Campise bankrolled three tables run by Matassa at the operation. Tr. 122. GEB Ex. 6C.

 

30.                29. At the Chicago District Council hearing, Matassa testified that he had known Jasper Campise all his life and attended Campise's wake after Campise was murdered and his

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body was found crammed in the trunk of a car. Tr. 64445. Matassa denied knowledge of Campise's organized crime membership. He stated that although he knew Campise had been murdered and his body was found in the trunk of a car, he did not ask anyone about the details o Campise's murder. Tr. 644-45, This denial is not credible.

 

31.              The IHO finds that Matassa associated with Campise, a major organized crime figure. The IFIO also finds that Matassa frequented the Grand Plaza gambling operation in Rosemont, and ran three tables there, controlled by Campise.


Matassa',,& Participation in the Outfit's Illegal Pornography Activities

31                                                                                                          It is a well-established fact that organized crime has a solid stronghold in the pornography industry. Tr. 288. While Bohling was working for the police department, there were three major pornography distributors in the Chicago area. Tr. 290, Bohling stated that based upon his experience investigating pornography and organized crime, he learned that Mike Glitta controlled the pornography distribution industry in the Chicago area and was involved in organized crime. Tr. 293-94. This statement is corroborated by O'Rourke and Dineen who also concluded that Glitta was a made member of the Northside Crew who was in charge of the pornographic bookstore activities of the crew. Tr. 178, 426, 428.

 

32                                                                                                          Through his work as a police officer, Bohling learned that Robert Dominic ("Dominic") controlled and operated several adult bookstores that featured live dancers. Tr. 297-98. Dineen testified that based upon his own investigative experience and efforts, he had knowledge that Dominic was involved in gambling and pornographic literature controlled by the Rush Street Crew, Tr. 422. During the mid 1980s, pursuant to arrest warrants signed by a state court judge based upon Bohling's purchase of materials from Dominic, Bohling arrested Dominic for obscenity approximately five times, and was present on several other occasions

 

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when Dominic's was arrested. Tr. 299. Bohling stated that Dominic pled guilty to obscenity on at least one occasion. Id.

 

33.                      Dineen stated that Chicago Police surveillance reports of Matassa in March 1990, reported that Matassa and DeMonte were seen exiting Mr. Edward's Restaurant followed shortly by Dominic and then engaging in a conversation in the parking lot. Tr. 421-22. During the Chicago District Council hearing, Matassa confirmed that he was at Mr. Edward's Restaurant in March 1990 meeting with DiMonte and Dominic. GEB Ex. 26 at 3924, 3927. Matassa CIaimed that the occasion in which he was surveilled was the onlytime he had met with Dominic. GEB Ex. 26 at 3924. The IHO does not credit Matassa's testimony that this was the only time he had met with'Dominic.

 

34.                      The IHO finds that Matassa was often seen with Dominic, an organized crime associate who was a dealer in pornographic material.

 

35.                      Bohling testified that Glitta is Matassa's uncle. 3 Tr. 304. Bohling also testified that he saw Matassa chauffeuring Glitta on several occasions, both at adult bookstores and random traffic encounters. Tr. 305. Matassa testified that he "was with Mr. Glitta seven days a week, on Saturdays and Sundays, too." Tr. 638-4 1. The IHO finds that Matassa drove Glitta on a daily basis.

 

36.                      Based on surveillance reports, informants, meeting and observing Matassa, and the knowledge he accumulated as a police officer, Bohling learned of Matassa's organized crime involvement. Tr. 306. Bohling stated that he was unsure of Matassa's role in the mid 1980s other than that he often saw Matassa in the company of Glitta. Id. In the later part of the 1980s and early 1990s, after Glitta's death, surveillance reports and observations made by other law

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3 Despite Matassa's calling Glitta "uncle," Glitta is actually the first cousin of Matassa's father but is referred to as uncle by Matassa due to their close relationship. GEB Ex. 26 at 3880.

 

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enforcement agencies lead Bohling to conclude that Matassa had taken Glitta's place in managing the adult bookstores and distribution on the Northside for organized crime. Tr. 307. Bohling did not qualify this information. Bohling's statement is accepted only as a general corroboration that Matassa was involved in the pornographic operation on the north side. Bohling's statements corroborate O'Rourke's testimony in a general fashion.

37.                CI 1 told O'Rourke that he knows Matassa played a role in the operation of pornographic bookstores and worked as a "muscle man" for Vincent Solano. GEB Ex. 34 at 15. CI 5 told-O'Rourke that Matassa was associated with Glitta in the pornography business for the outfit in the 1970s and 1980s. GEB Ex. 34 at 18. CI 6 also told O'Rourke that Matassa was involved in the pornography business. GEB Ex. 34 at 19. CI 12 stated that Matassa had control over several pornographic bookstores on the near north side of Chicago. GEB Ex. 34 at 23. CI 13 stated that Matassa was involved in pornography and was part of the Northside Crew working for Solano, Glitta, DeMonte, and others in the 1970s and 1980s. GEB Ex. 34 at 24,

38.                At the Chicago District Council proceedings, Matassa stated that Glittal s wife owned "three or four" adult bookstores which were located on CIark Street and Rush Street in Chicago, and Mannheim Road in the suburbs. GEB Ex. 26 at 3806. Matassa also stated that he drove Glitta to his bookstores, and helped him go shopping and restock his bookstores. GEB Ex. 26 at 3807.

39.                The IHO finds that Matassa CIosely associated with Glitta, a recognized organized crime figure. Mattassa was Glitta's driver. In organized crime cirCIes, major organized crime figures usually have a close associate drive them.