CPD Red Squad

CHICAGO POLICE DEPARTMENT - RED SQUAD

WHO DID THE CHICAGO RED SQUADS TARGET?

It's very telling, the groups that the Chicago Red Squads monitored and infiltrated. In 1981,the Chicago' Police' Department acknowledged its "Red Squad" kept files on at least 77 civic, antiwar, religious, civil rights and political groups, and an attorney has charged, that the total number of groups was 800.

Among the groups of great interest to the Red Squad were the Chicago PTA, the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, Jewish War Veterans, the League of Women Voters, the United Auto Workers, the NAACP, the Communist Parly, the Socialists Workers Party, the National Lawyers Guild, Operation PUSH, and the Southern Christian Leadership Council.

Notice a familiar theme?

The groups were primarily liberal activists, globalists, groups that promoted social reform, equal rights for blacks and Women's rights, groups whose members were primarily jewish and any group that fought for the legal rights of minorities. In other words, the Red Squad targeted the enemies of the Legion of Justice: the Jews (children of satan), African-Americans (mud-puppies), Liberals (Jew-lovers), and any group that supported the rights of minorities or that associated with Jews (Traitors).

Local 'Red Squads' Armies of Political Spies

By RICHARD GUTMAN
and
DAVID OSBORNE
Pacific News Service

March 10, 1976

CHICAGO—While public attention focuses on Congressional investigations of FBI and CIA abuses, illegal activities by what may be the nation's largest army of political spies — local police "Red Squads" - have gone virtually unnoticed at the national level. Two hundred of these political intelligence units from almost every major American city belong to the federally funded Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit, through which they exchange files and other information. Where investigations of Red Squads have taken place violations of the law have been routinely documented.

In Chicago last fall a Special Grand Jury charged the Chicago Red Squad with illegal burglaries and wiretapping infiltration of groups engaged in no criminal activity, incitement to violence and aid to a right-wing terrorist organization engaged in harassment of the left.

The Grand Jury said the activity had "all the earmarks of a police state."

Several weeks after the report was released, a class action lawsuit produced documents proving the police department had established a "neutralization" program to "expose, cause to cease or change in direction . . . anti-social groups," among them the National Lawyers Guild.

Class action lawsuits have been filed in Los Angeles, Philadelphia , New York, Chicago, Kansas City, Houston and Detroit. In most cases extensive cooperation between local Red Squads and federal agencies - particularly the FBI - has been documented. Files have been freely exchanged and agencies have often worked together in disruption tactics.

Some Chicago 'Red Squad' Files Revealed

January 5, 1981

CHICAGO (AF) —- The Chicago' Police' Department has acknowledged its now defunct "Red Squad" kept files on at least 77 civic, antiwar, religious, civil rights and political groups, and an attorney has charged, that the total number of groups was 800.

Richard Gutman, lawyer for the Alliance to End Repression, said those filing the lawsuits had named 77 of the groups monitored by the so-called Red Squads was a "representative sampling" of the groups, and the city, in the court documents, acknowledged the accuracy of the list.

The "Red Squad" was disbanded in 1975. Several civic and community groups filed suit against the city in 1974 and 1975, asking for court orders to stop the city from spying operations.

Until recently, the city has denied that the Red Squad, which was the police intelligence division's old antisubversive unit, kept the files. Now the city says the' fact that the Red Squad had a file on an organization does not necessarily mean the group was under surveillance.

Gutman, however, contends all the groups were subjects of intelligence gathering and some organizations, were infiltrated by police officers or informants.

Among the 77 groups listed were the Chicago PTA, the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, Jewish War Veterans, the League of Women Voters, the United Auto Workers, the NAACP, the Communist Parly, the Socialists Workers Party, the National Lawyers Guild, Operation PUSH, and the Southern Christian Leadership Council, Gutman said.

UNDER CONSTRUCTION

Legion of Justice:

S. Thomas Sutton

Orville Brettman

Steve Telow

Stephen Sedlako

Thomas K. Stewart

Chicago Red Squad

James Nolan Accomplice in Legion of Justice attacks

James Fitzgibbons Accomplice in Legion of Justice attacks

James B Conlisk

Joseph Grubisic

Thomas J Lyons

John Mulchrone

Kenneth Cacerano

John Valkenburg

Morton Frankin

Michael Randy

Alfred Lallejo

David Emerson Gumaer

Robert Osmondson

John Philbin

James J Zarnow

Tom Braham

Tom West

Irwin Bock

William Frapolly

Robert Pierson

Richard Markin

113th Army Militaty Intelligence Group

John O'Brian

The Chicago Red Squad was a member of the Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit (LEIU).

The Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit

For close to 250 local and state police intelligence units, the problem of how to spy on dissidents was solved by membership in the Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit (LEIU). As journalist David Kaplan saw it, the LEIU was a "private, federally-funded network of computerized files." Who was in the files? "Among the subjects catalogued in LEIU files have been minority, labor and community organizers, many with no criminal records," wrote Kaplan.

The Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit was formed in 1956 at a San Francisco meeting of representatives of 26 law enforcement agencies from seven western states. LEIU was later expanded to encompass agencies from many other states. The official purpose of the group was "to promote the gathering, recording, and exchange of confidential information not available through normal police channels, concerning organized crime." The unofficial purpose was to establish a national criminal intelligence network independent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, whose agents frequently refused to share information with local law enforcement officers.

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During politically volatile 1970, LEIU's national and regional conferences held discussions revealing a preoccupation with monitoring dissidents. Among the topics analyzed that year were: "national militant problems," "international influence on current disorders," dissident and militant funding," revolution in the streets -intelligence aspects," "viewpoints on campus disorders," "Students for a Democratic Society," and "permissiveness."

With workshop topics such as these it is hardly surprising that local LEIU members began submitting information on political activists to the group's California clearing house. A 1979 investigation of LEIU by the Detroit Board of Police Commissioners found that scores of LEIU subject cards contained information on persons "not apparently related to criminal activities." This conclusion is documented by the LEIU cards found in the Chicago Red Squad files.

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The lack of accuracy and plethora of unverified reports and innuendos in the LEIU files prompted investigations of the LEIU by local, state and federal agencies. The federal General Accounting Office found that only a small percent of the information recorded on the LEIU cards could be completely documented. Responding to the mounting criticisms of the files by the GAO and other investigative groups, LEIU in 1979 removed 145 subject cards.

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According to Tom Parsons, a spokesperson for the Seattle Coalition on Government Spying, there were "continuing indications of LEIU willingness to share political information through its bulletins and files under the guise that it is information about 'terrorism.'" Parsons feels the most crucial problem is that the "LEIU continues to operate outside of public control or accountability." Unless public oversight and accountability are established, said Parsons, the "positive steps...taken by LEIU could be reversed -in secret, with no notice to the public."

The LEIU gets away with hiding its activities from public scrutiny because it claims to be a private organization -despite the fact that it is composed of law enforcement agencies that use tax dollars to pay dues and fees. The LEIU is shielded from federal and state laws governing the conduct of intelligence gathering and dissemination, and escapes the probing eye of the federal Freedom of Information Act.

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Some LEIU critics charge that the whole LEIU/IOCI scheme was an intentional attempt to circumvent congressional mandates prohibiting the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration from establishing a federally funded national police network and centralized dossier system. One of these critics is Sheila O'Donnell, a private investigator who specializes in political surveillance cases. O'Donnell points to a 1974 meeting between officials of the FBI and LEAA. On that occasion, according to an FBI memo, LEAA assistant administrator Richard Velde tried to establish a "joint FBI-LEIU operation" to create a "national communication network" for dissemination of information about "terrorists and extremists" during the Bicentennial.

The FBI rejected the plan because it was "questionable from a legal standpoint" and not feasible because of the "political climate." Another FBI memo, written a month later, reports strained relations between the LEAA and the FBI, with the LEAA threatening to withhold funds from FBI related projects.

Within the next few months the LEAA awarded almost half a million dollars in grants to evaluate and implement an on-line computer system for the IOCI. One grant, for $324,000, had to be rewritten so as not to be in violation of pending federal legislation "dealing with privacy and security," according to the General Accounting Office. That same year, Velde co-signed an LEAA grant for $77,000 that in effect transferred some of the support services for the IOCI computer index from a Califonia law-enforcement foundation to a newly incorporated private company called Search Group, Inc. Search Group itself was originally a "consortium of representatives from each state, appointed by their respective governors," the GAO found. SEARCH stood for "System for Electronic Analysis and Retrieval of Criminal Histories."

The $77,000 LEAA grant was administered by Paul K. Wormeli, who three years later, in 1977, was deputy administrator for administration of the LEAA and in that capacity cosigned (along with Richard Velde) a grant for $299,999 to continue and update the manual IOCI system and also fund the "acquisition, installation, and operation of the minicomputer system." As a Detroit Police Board investigator remarked concerning the merry-go-round of funders and fundees involved in the LEIU-IOCI network. "It is difficult to discern where one agency begins and the other one ends."

The maze got thicker. Search Group, Inc. was given over $3 million in LEAA funds during the three-year period ending June 30, 1977. Search Group's revised bylaws of 1977 state that its corporate membership consists of "one representative of each state...appointed by the chief executive thereof and four representatives appointed by the administrator of the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration." In 1976 and 1977, LEAA's administrator was Richard Velde.

The report of the Detroit investigation noted that "while registered as a 'private agency,' there are indications that the LEIU interfaces in a unique manner with public agencies....The LEIU appears to operate as a pubic agency, but one which is not subject to governmental oversight or control."

Even the FBI was worried about the LEIU's computerized intelligence network. one FBI memo remarks of an incident involving LEIU's information system, "This is indeed an outstanding example of one of the worst features of any kind of a national clearinghouse as such for criminal information. It would also seem to be an indictment of the LEIU and the high-sounding purposes promoted for this organization...." Of course, one must remember that the FBI and the LEAA were feuding over who should control the electronic spy empire.

Once the LEIU data base was computerized, another LEAA grantee was funded to help speed along the information among LEIU members and beyond. The National Law Enforcement Telecommunications System (NLETS) is, according to its corporate charter, a nonprofit corporation established to facilitate the exchange of operational and administrative data among police departments. In June 1973, LEAA approved a grant of $1.2 million to NLETS to improve the speed of the NLETS Teletype system and make it available to more police forces.

"NLETS provides police departments in each state with direct access to a teletype system that can be used to collect and compare information in both the FBI and LEIU computer files," said the O'Donnell. "Agencies at all levels of government can now be tied into a nationwide intelligence network of dossiers on political dissidents." NLETS, following the pattern of Project Search, has incorporated itself as a private firm. "What has happened is that the federal government has spent millions of dollars to fund an old boys network of political spies who want to circumvent the Constitution and federal regulations," charges O'Donnell.

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The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration funded several other California projects during Ronald Reagan's governorship that fit into the puzzle of the public/private political spy network, including the Western Regional Organized Crime Training Institute (WROTCI) and the California Specialized Training Institute (CSTI).

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The California Specialized Training Institute has graduated thousands of state military, police and national guard personnel; and its Officer Survival and Internal Security Course is taught by a staff which "includes men with a considerable background in the areas of insurgency and counter-insurgency, social factors and urban unrest, political systems, terrorism, internal defense and security, and intelligence systems," bragged the Commandant of the Institute in a letter to LEAA. The letter noted a carbon copy being sent to then-governor Ronald Reagan's Executive Assistant, Edwin Meese III. Much of the LEAA funding of political surveillance networks in California occurred when Reagan was Governor. Meese later became a top Reagan aide and then was appointed Attorney General. He had a reputation as a hard-liner on domestic intelligence issues, and spoke favorably of a Heritage Foundation study calling for increased cooperation between public and private security agencies.

One of the most unique private outfits linked to LEIU is the California-based Anacapa Sciences Incorporated. Anacapa Sciences is a Santa Barbara consulting firm that establishes political intelligence operations. It helped computerize the LEIU files, and designed the urban terrorism course for California's Western Regional Organized Crime Training Institute. The course clearly includes training on how to monitor the lawful political activity of dissenters. San Francisco Bay area reporter Bill Wallace found that Anacapa's founder and corporate director, Douglas Harris, assisted in developing criminal intelligence courses for California, Michigan, Texas, Canada and the Drug Enforcement Administration.

Graduates of Anacapa's political intelligence courses have already established an impressive track record of trampling on the constitutional rights of persons challenging the status quo. After Anacapa set up a program for the Texas Department of Public Safety, the Department was accused of amassing files on the Dallas anti-nuclear group Citizens' Association for Safe Energy.

California graduates of Anacapa-spawned courses infiltrated and assisted in the arrest of members of the non-violent anti-nuclear Abalone Alliance during a demonstration at California's Diablo Canyon nuclear reactor. The Abalone infiltrators were part of a police unit set up by Anacapa with a $30,000 grant from the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration report, reported Wallace.

"Anacapa Sciences Incorporated appears to be a new and significant variation of the hybrid spy firms," said Wallace, "a company that doesn't engage in spying, but teaches other how to do it." Wallace has identified similar firms around the country, including systems Sciences Associates, Profitect, Inc., Systems Development Corporation, and the now-defunct National Intelligence Academy.

NLG & Redbaiting Redux

In the late 1970's the National Lawyers Guild discovered that thousands of pages of FBI files on the NLG and its members remained carefully indexed and neatly filed in numerical order for fast retrieval. Many of the FBI reports were inaccurate, inflated by ambitious agents, or illegally obtained, yet in late 1979 the FBI provided files to Senator Strom Thurmond who was seeking to block federal judgeship for a former National Lawyers Guild activist.

In August of 1979, Thurmond asked the FBI for material on the Guild detailing "the total Communist influence," on the Guild and "any known actions that would reflect on the NLG's opposition to our Democratic form of government." Thurmond wanted "special emphasis placed on the Executive Board of the Detroit, Michigan Chapter for the period 1960-1965." That was when Anna Diggs Taylor, the federal judge nominee, was active in the Detroit NLG Chapter leadership.

FBI director William Webster sent Thurmond "excised copies of FBI reports" on the Detroit Guild, but limited the material to information "previously released to the plaintiff's" in the NLG lawsuit against the FBI. An FBI memo noted the material was provided to the Senate Committee on the Judiciary when "Senators Thurmond and Kennedy both desired this information...for a Committee hearing". Thurmond failed to attend the hearing, but Kennedy asked Taylor to respond to charges made "in the past" that the NLG had "communist connections."

"Preventing this type of use of the FBI information is one aspect of the Guild's lawsuit against the FBI," said Attorney Michael Krinsky of Rabinowitz, Boudin, Standard, Krinsky & Lieberman, the law firm handling the Guild lawsuit sponsored by the National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee. Krinsky's co- counsel, Gordon Johnson, points out that many of the FBI records on the Guild were gathered by "massive informant infiltration, wiretaps, trash covers, and burglaries; and yet these misleading and illegally-gathered records have the capacity to be used against the NLG and others to recycle the smear." Krinsky and Johnson charge that much of the FBI-collected information was not related to any law enforcement purpose, but was amassed to be used by the FBI and Congressional Witch Hunters to discredit and destroy progressive organizations.

Much of the FBI's information was originally gathered to provide fuel for the first round of Witch Hunts, yet it is still intact, and apparently available to Congressional committees. "It is not proper to draw on the FBI's vast body of illegally gathered political intelligence," insists Krinsky. "The government has no right to have membership lists or financial records from the Guild nor information on political positions taken by Guild members. This is simply none of the business of government," Krinsky said.

Over the years there have been scores of articles in the conservative & reactionary press which Red Baiting the NLG. NLG president Debra Evenson, a law professor at DePaul University in Chicago, said "the National Lawyers Guild has learned to expect red-baiting over the years, and we are discussing ways to confront it." One survey conducted by the NLG showed that older members as well as law students are fearful of professional repercussions should their membership become widely known. "Martin Luther King, himself a target of similar anti-communist attacks, talked about this deep `malady' that afflicts the American spirit," said Evenson who sees a need for a broader coalition to, "address the pathological anti-communism that has lead our country into its present situation in which a presidential candidate has tried to label even `liberals' as being outside the `mainstream'."

In a democracy based on informed consent and the free interplay of ideas, the criticism of an idea based on labelling and smears serves to limit debate and establish narrow parameters to discussion. Yet the right-wing Red Baiters serve not only to de-legitimize progressive politics through smears, but through conspiratorial subversion-mongering, also provide a convenient justification for putative criminal probes by government agencies such as the FBI. This is in part what happened with the FBI probe of CISPES.

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The FBI Investigation of the SWP

The court spent forty pages reviewing the 35 year FBI investigation of the SWP, and there was little factual dispute over what the FBI had actually done to the SWP in the course of its investigation.

The FBI was already watching the SWP when in 1941 eighteen SWP leaders were prosecuted by the Federal Government for violation of the Smith Act.<$F 18 U.S.C. S/ 2385.> They were charged with advocating the violent overthrow of the Government in specific speeches, and were convicted in December 1941. The convictions in what was called the Dunne Case were upheld on appeal.<$F Dunne v. United States, 138 F.2d 137 (8th Cir. 1943), cert. denied, 320 U.S. 790 (1944).> Following the convictions in the Dunne case, the scope of the FBI investigation of the SWP broadened.

The court noted that "FBI investigations are classified as either criminal investigations or national security investigations," and according to the court, the FBI investigation of the SWP "from the early 1950's onwards [was] a national security investigation." The FBI investigation of the SWP continued until Attorney General Levi terminated the investigation on September 9, 1976.

The court noted that to some extent the FBI investigation of the SWP "involved the use of publicly available information. For example, the FBI analyzed publications of the SWP and observed events open to the public. The court found, however, that the FBI engaged in activites of a more intrusive nature, especially through the use of informants, disruption, electronic surveillance, and surreptitious entries or "Bag Jobs."

The Department of Justice and the FBI also kept track of the SWP through two programs, the Security Index/ADEX program which was a list of persons targeted for possible detention in time of national emergency, and the Loyalty-security Program which involved security checks on government employees.

Informants

The FBI use of informants in the SWP/YSA was far from casual.

Since the SWP and the YSA have relatively few members, these informants comprised a small yet significant percentage of the membership.

Year % and # of members who were FBI

SWPYSA

196011%(52/466)8%(9/115)

1973 3%(28/1095)6%(77/1256)

1976 2%(19/1000)3%(41/1185)

The court took a dim view of this level of infiltration given the lack of evidence of criminal activity by the SWP.

"Presumably the principal purpose of an FBI informant in a domestic security investigation would be to gather information about planned or actual espionage, violence, terrorism or other illegal activities designed to subvert the governmental structure of the United States.

"In the case of the SWP, however, there is no evidence that any FBI informant ever reported an instance of planned or actual espionage, violence, terrorism or efforts to subvert the governmental structure of the United States. Over the course of approximately 30 years, there is no indication that any infor- mant ever observed any violation of federal law or gave infor- mation leading to a single arrest for any federal law violation." The court did note somewhat sarcastically the one positive effect of the use of FBI informants - it provided the court with a detailed record "recording peaceful, lawful activity by the SWP and YSA."

The court found that "one use of informants was to gain information useful to the FBI in its program to disrupt the SWP," and that the FBI "encouraged the member informants to frustrate the growth" of the SWP and YSA.

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The FBI COINTELPRO program, against the SWP and other dissident groups, is well documented in the media, congressional hearings, and court cases. There is no need to review the twenty pages of findings in this case other than to note the court isolated 21 specific harmful disruptive incidents staged by the FBI against the SWP.

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Government Resistance to Disclosing Evidence

In may of 1976 "lengthy conferences were held to attempt to organize the remaining discovery problems which were complex. A list of eleven alleged illegal activities was arrived at which were agreed to constitute the basic types of illegal activities claimed by the plaintiffs" to have been engaged in by the government and its agents.

The list was as follows

1. Break-ins and unauthorized seizure or retention of property.
2. Electronic Surveillance.
3. Consensual monitoring by recording devices.
4. Use of informants.
5. Physical surveillance.
6. Undercover surveillance.
7. Mail covers.
8. Mail intercepts.
9. Interviews by FBI agents of organization members and third persons.
10. COINTELPRO or disruption program.
11. Placing plaintiff organizations and their members on lists of security risks.

The discovery period was repeatedly stalled over a period of over five years due to several factors. According to Judge Griesa's ruling, the discovery period was complicated and lengthened by the time it took for the government to produce selective samples from the "enormous" number of pages of files on the plaintiffs held by government agencies; and "difficult claims of governmental secrecy, requiring two interlocutory appellate proceedings."

A major side issue in pre-trial discovery was the court's startling contempt citation against the Attorney General of the United States for failure to comply with a document production order. On June 30, 1978, after side litigation had traveled to the Supreme Court and back, Judge Griesa gave then Attorney General Griffin Bell one week to produce a selected group of FBI informant files, threatening to grant a plaintiff motion to have Bell cited for contempt under Fed. R. Civ. P. 37(b)(2)(D).

Bell refused to produce all of the requested informant files and was in fact cited by Griesa for contempt, a citation later vacated by the Court of Appeals which suggested a less drastic resolution of the impasse. To unravel the informant issue, Judge Griesa appointed a special master, Charles D. Breitel, to review the specific controversial informant files in detail, and prepare a summary of the overall use of informants against the plaintiffs by the FBI. Breitel was the former Chief Judge of the New York Court of Appeals.

The 89-page "Breitel" special master's report was issued on February 4, 1980 and showed the use of some 300 member informants in both the SWP and YSA between 1960 and 1976 and another 1,000 non-member informants.

The Trial

The original 1973 complaint by the SWP named as defendants various heads of federal agencies and departments as well as certain named individuals. The United States was not named as a defendant in the original complaint. A number of defendants were dismissed in the course of pre-trial agreements and rulings, and at the time of trial, the list of defendants included no named individuals.

Defendants at trial were:

Attorney General of the United States, Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of Defense, Postmaster General, Secretary of the Army, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Director of Central Intelligence, Director of the Secret Service, Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency , Civil Service Commissioners, President of the United States, Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, Secretary of State, United States of America.

Plaintiffs at trial were the Socialist Workers Party, the Young Socialist Alliance, and 10 named individuals active with the two named organizations.

The trial opened on April 2, 1981 shortly after President Ronald Reagan pardoned FBI agents W. Mark Felt and Edward S. Miller who had been convicted of burglarizing the homes and offices of dissidents.

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At the trial the FBI claimed it possessed secret evidence showing that SWP leaders were involved in illegal activities. However, the FBI declined to introduce the material, asserting that to do so would endanger the "national security."

<snip>

On September 14, 1981, attorneys for the Socialist Workers Party and Young Socialist Alliance filed a 545-page post-trial brief asking for a permanent injunction barring the FBI, CIA, Immigration and Naturalization Service and other government agencies from spying on and disrupting the socialist organizations. In addition, the brief raised the damage claim to $70 million for the 40 year-long "investigation" of its activities and members.

<snip>

Post trial briefing extended into the spring of 1983.

The Judge's Decisions

"The SWP is entitled to an award of damages under the FTCA against the United States for the FBI's disruption activities, surreptitious entries and use of informants. As to these claims, the SWP complied with the procedural requirements of the FTCA. Also, since these activities were violations of the constitutional rights of the SWP and lacked legislative or regu- latory authority, they were not discretionary functions within the meaning of the FTCA exception. Finally, the SWP has a right to recover damages under applicable tort law.

The SWP is awarded damages in the amount of $42,500 relating to disruption activities, $96,500 for the surreptitious entries, and $125,000 for the use of informants, or a total of $264,000.

The [SWP's] damage claim for electronic surveillance is dismissed for failure to comply with the procedural requirements of the FTCA.

The damage claims of Sell, Starsky, Jenness and Pulley are dismissed.

With one exception, the requests for declaratory and injunctive relief are denied because there is no present or threatened activity which warrants such a remedy.

The exception is that the SWP is entitled to an injunction limiting the use of certain records illegally obtained by the Government. This will be granted under the general equitable power of the court and not under the Privacy Act.

The claims under the Privacy Act are dismissed."

Reagan Takes Office

When Ronald Reagan took office in 1980, he arrived with a set of assumptions regarding internal subversion which he had developed and refined while leading a purge of alleged communists in Hollywood as head of the Screen Actors Guild in the 1950's. Like Ronald Reagan, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) had cast itself in a central role during the 1950's political witch hunts, as had a network of right-wing political vigilantes who ferreted out subversion and publicized their findings in newsletters such as "Red Channels," which identified those it felt belonged on the Hollywood blacklist.

Reagan facilitated a concerted and successful attempt by the intelligence agencies and their counter-subversion allies to abolish the reforms which had restrained them during the late 1970's. The early 1980's also saw tremendous growth in the private security industry coupled with an authorization for the contracting of intelligence investigations to private firms outside the reach of Congressional oversight and laws protecting privacy. The FBI and other agencies also redefined the terms "terrorism" and "foreign intelligence" to reflect a broad and self-serving interpretation; and then argued their investigations into social change groups met the terms of specific legal language allowing the FBI greater investigative latitude in probes involving political violence and foreign spying. The result was that by 1983, FBI agents and private security specialists had launched broad intrusions into the lives of ordinary citizens engaged in otherwise legal activities.

Ronald Reagan showed his support for counter-subversion investigations when, on taking office, he pardoned two FBI agents convicted in 1980 by a federal jury of criminal burglaries of activists homes and offices in what became known as the "Graymail" case. "Graymail" because former FBI director L. Patrick Gray successfully blocked prosecution by threatening to expose embarrassing "national security" secrets, a tactic also tried by Oliver North. But the Reagan pardon of two individuals was just the beginning, he went on to pardon the entire U.S. intelligence establishment which had come under fire during the Carter years. This came as no surprise, given the support for Reagan organized by the New Right, which embraced the counter-subversion network as an important and patriotic force protecting internal security.

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Unleashing the FBI

Reagan apparently agreed with the Heritage findings on national security becasue he quickly unleashed the FBI. In December 1981 Reagan issued Executive Order 12333 which authorized the FBI to use intrusive investigatory techniques, such as mail openings, wiretaps and burglaries, when there was probable cause to suspect a "terrorist" threat.

Reagan also authorized the FBI to contract with and rely on private sources of information in national security investigations. Public sections of the mostly-secret "Attorney General Guidelines for Foreign Intelligence Collection" require the FBI not to question "individuals acting on their own initiative" how they obtained information. Thus right-wing zealots could conduct their own intelligence operations and thefts and provide the fruits of their mission to the FBI without fear of reprisal.

After only a few months in office, Reagan had legalized the same techniques condemned when COINTELPRO was revealed.

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Reviving the Witch Hunt

The conservative and far-right also began to reconstruct the counter-subversive apparatus soon after Reagan took office. Ultra-conservative Strom Thurmond was named head of the Senate Judiciary Committee which oversaw the work of the newly formed Senate Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism. SST was chaired by ultra-conservative Sen. Jeremiah Denton, who quickly began re- kindling the Congressional witch-hunt. One notable SST staff member was Samuel T. Francis, who after authoring the security section of the Heritage Foundation Reagan transition study, became legislative assistant for national security to ultra- conservative SST member Senator John P. East.

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Reagan himself joined the Red Menace alert in 1982. That was the year Reagan charged the nuclear freeze campaign was, "inspired by not the sincere, honest people who want peace, but by some people who want the weakening of America and so are manipulating honest and sincere people." Reagan saw freeze activists as dupes or traitors. When asked for proof, reporters were told much of the information was secret, but that one public source was a "Reader's Digest" article by John Barron. Barron had based the allegation in part on an article by right- wing spy John Rees. Rees had based his article on unsubstantiated red-baiting allegations made during McCarthy period hearings. Reagan later openly criticized those who brought down Joseph McCarthy. A State Department charge that the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom was a "communist front" was retracted when traced to a Rees report published by Western Goals Foundation.

At a June, 1982 SST hearing on how the FBI had been crippled by well-meaning liberals duped by communists. Denton called the National Lawyers Guild the "ideological allies" of terrorism and murder, and said "the support groups that produce propoganda, disinformation, or `legal assistance' may be even more dangerous than those who actually throw the bombs." The NLG promptly produced large buttons with the Guild logo and the phrase "More Dangerous Than Those...Who Throw the Bombs."

Rehabilitating COINTELPRO

On March 7, 1983 Attorney General William French Smith finished erasing any civil liberties gains made in the post-Watergate era when he released "Guidelines on General Crimes, Racketeering Enterprise and Domestic Security/Terrorism Investigations." According to Mitchell Rubin, a law clerk who authored a lengthy analysis of the Smith guidelines for Police Misconduct and Civil Rights Law Report, "Three authorizations granted to the FBI under the Smith guidelines. . .[included] the FBI's right to conduct surveillance of peaceful public demonstrations, to use informants and infiltrators, and to investigate persons or groups advocating unlawful activities." These were three areas where the FBI had systematically abused Constitutional rights in the past, and had been restrained under the guidelines issued in 1976 by President Carter's Attorney General, Edward Levi.

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The Return of the Thought Police

By late 1983, widespread FBI harassment of Latin American support and anti-interventionist groups began to be reported nationwide. Other intelligence agencies, and right-wing groups also began stepping up their campaigns warning of communist or terrorist subversion, which also smeared exile, emigre, sanctuary, and other groups with an international focus.

Reported incidents included: · FBI agents visited the employer, friends and co- workers of an activist, asking: "Did you know that your friend works with communists and KGB agents?" · FBI agents appeared in the evening at the home of an activist, and said: "We know you are sincere, just tell us the names of the KGB agents." · FBI agents attempted to interview activists about the "lawbreakers" involved in the sanctuary movement. · FBI agents threatened exposure of an undocumented activist to Immigration officials unless the activist talked. · FBI agents threatened activists with jail unless they revealed their "plans" for "terrorist" attacks on the 1984 summer Olympics and political conventions. · Military Intelligence agents, starting in the mid-1980's, began appearing at reserve weekends to interview co- workers of activists saying "tell us about your friend at work who hangs out with Soviet spies."<$F All of the incidents of visits by FBI agents and Military Intelligence agents are based on interviews by the author with activists during 1983- 1984. See "FBI Harrassment: Vaguely Reminiscent of the 60's" The Mobilizer, Mobilization for Survival Newsletter, Summer 1984, by the author; For general FBI return to surveillance and disruption, see "Harrassment Monitored: Big Brother Returns," Public Eye Magazine, Summer 1984 pp. 7-8.>

<snip>

Some activists in the mid-1980's received written threats of violence signed by far-right anti-communist groups such as the anti-Jewish white supremacist Posse Comitatus or neo-Nazi National Socialist Liberation Front.

The heavy-footed presence of federal gumshoes became so obvious and irritating around 1984 that a loose coalition of civil liberties groups, including the National Lawyers Guild (NLG), Center for Consititional Rights (CCR), National Committee Against Repressive Legislation (NCARL), American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) and the Fund for Open Information and Accountability (FOIA, Inc.), began distributing pamphlets and conducting workshops to advise activists how to "Just Say No" when the feds dropped by to ask for an interview about life in Managua. Workshops were held in over ten cities including New York, Boston, Chicago, and Los Angeles. 1984 also saw the creation of a political rights education project by the National Lawyers Guild Civil Liberties Committee which later was subsummed by the The Movement Support Network (MSN) sponsored by the Center for Constitutional Rights in cooperation with the NLG.

Nearly 100 reports of mysterious break-ins of activists offices have been compiled by the Movement Support Network since 1984. In Boston, where numerous unexplained break-ins of movement offices have been reported, a symposium on surveillance and dissent in 1986 drew over 300. At that meeting, Police Misconduct Manual co-author Michael Avery and long-time civil liberties activist Frank Wilkinson of NCARL both explained how the term "terrorism" had replaced the "communism" as a justification for intrusive government surveillance and predicted the term would be the excuse the FBI used to justify spying on activists.

Private Counter-subversion under Reagan

The main right-wing domestic intelligence-gathering networks that operated during the Reagan/Bush Administrations were the John Rees Information Digest network, and a more amorphous network of New Right groups around the Council for Inter-American Security, Young American's for Freedom, and the American Sentinel newsletter. Two other domestic intelligence operations were run by two cult leaders, the neo-fascist Lyndon LaRouche, and the theocratic authoritarian Rev. Sun Myung Moon. Dozens of smaller private right-wing spy operations operated freely during the 1980's.

<snip>

John Rees Information Digest and the Old Birch Network

The most influential private domestic spying operation during the 1980's was run by John Rees, a veritable right-wing spymaster who has published Information Digest, a gossipy newsletter, for over twenty years.

Rees spent the early years of the Reagan administration as the spymaster for the right-wing Western Goals Foundation. The Foundation was the brainchild of the late Rep. Larry McDonald, former leader of the John Birch Society. Western Goals published several small books warning of the growing domestic red menace, and solicitated funds to create a computer database on American subversives.

Western Goals Foundation was sued by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) when it was caught attempting to computerize references to "subversive" files pilfered from the disbanded Los Angeles Police Department "Red Squad."

Western Goals esentially collapsed after the death of Larry McDonald in September of 1983. John Rees left shortly after McDonald's death. Western Goals discontinued its domestic dossier and intelligence operation shortly after the departure of Rees. A contentious battle over control of Western Goals and the alienation of key funders left the foundation essentially a shell which was taken over by a conservative fundraiser Carl Russell "Spitz" Channell who turned it into a conduit for contra fundraising efforts linked to North and Iran-Contragate. Rees returned to his freelance spy-master status while former Western Goals director Linda Guell went to Singlaub's Freedom Foundation.

<snip>

Church League of America,
One former key counter-subversion outfilt, the Church League of America, collapsed early in the Reagan years due to an internal schism. The Church League, which once claimed the National Council of Churches was a communist front, shipped its 7 million index cards and 200 file cabinets full of material on "subversives" to the library at Rev. Jerry Falwell's Liberty University where it was stored in a warehouse and saw little if any use.

Prior to its collapse, the Church League continued its publishing program.

"News and Views," was a four-to-sixteen page newsletter published monthly by the Church League of America from its headquarters in Wheaton, Illinois. The March/April 1982 issue carried an "expose" on the Council on Economic Priorities - a liberal/radical think tank.

<snip>

The Church League also published the twice-monthly National Laymen's Digest, a newsletter which sought to expose the communist penetration of American churches and church organizations using the same guilt-by-association style of writing. The Digest contained roughly one dozen short articles in each four page issue. The May 15, 1982 issue contained a denunciation of religious leaders seeking to develop a new Christian Contemporary Music. This religious music movement combines lyrics stressing Christian values with upbeat rock tunes. The Digest describes one such proponent of Christian Contemporary Music as another one of those compromising, middle-of-the-road 'evangelicals' who thinks that a Christian should adopt and imitate unregenerate lifestyles, such as jungle rhythms, which accentuate and stir up fleshy emotions in youth, rather than sacred and enduring great music to reach lost sinners." Despite the lack of regard for the laws of English grammar, the Digest's meaning is made clear in the next sentence: "This imitation of the world, and flesh and the devil, is causing tragic upheavals and inordinate sexual responses in young people who once professed Christ as Savior."

Among the books published by the Church League were Common Cause: The Lobbying Left Liberal Do-gooders Web, Modern Art: Political Psywar Weapon, Attorneys for Treason: The True Story of the National Lawyers Guild, and The Wicked Alliance Between Radical Church Leaders And Secularists For The Destruction of Capitalism.

When the Fair Credit Reporting Act (FCRA) was passed, Wackenhut gave the balance of the Karl Baarslag McCarthy-period files to the Church League where Wackenhut still had access to the information, but was not compelled to disclose it under the privacy- protection terms of the FCRA.

Before its demise, the Church League circulated material on the ACLU, National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, the National Lawyers Guild, Center for National Security Studies, Campaign to Stop Government Spying, American Friends Service Committee, and the Institute for Policy Studies.

"CHICAGO 7" Are They For Real?

1972 report VERBATIM

by Sherman H. Skolnick, chairman, Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts

Throughout history, governments seeking to perpetuate injustice, yet being foresighted enought to channel and contain dissent against their corrupt, repressive policies, use groups of people called "The King's Men". Such people get mon ey, power, and benefits from "The King" but he denies knowing them since they pretend to oppose him. At the present when the terms "radical" and "revolutionary" are bandied around, it is important to know who some of the alleged "radical revolutionaries " are, and to consider that some of the "Chicago 7" are "The King's Men".

Historically, it should be noted that the overthrow of the Russian Czar and the Russian Church establishment were delayed some 15 years by the premature activities of anti-czarist groups too weak to accomplish their goal, and duped and led on by Czarist agents posing as "revolutionaries". The anti-czarists were thus fooled into eating green bananas. Analysis only of well-polished rhetoric alone cannot help unmask a faker. Hard facts, compiled and analyzed point more quickly to p ut-ups playing the role of revolutionaries. Applied here will be the reasonable criteria of money, power, and benefits.

The "Chicago 7" consists of Rennie Davis, Tom Hayden, David Dellinger, Jerry Rubin, Lee Weiner, John Froines, and Abbie Hoffman. [Previously called the "Chicago 8", to include Bobby Seale, not believed part of the put-up.] Also called the "Conspiracy" or the "Conspiracy 7".

With little if any publicity, Rennie Davis and four others who later became part of the "7", nailed down the Anti-Riot Law as constitutional by a law suit brought by them in October, 1968, and ending up May, 1969, in the Chicago -based U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit.

[Nat'l Mobilization, Rennie Davis, et al., vs. Foran, No. 17274, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit. Clerk's office of which is 27th floor, Federal Building, 219 So. Dearborn, Chicago].

During the course of this almost secret suit, Rennie's side laid down and played dead in court. For example, according to court records, Rennie's side gave up a challenge to the part of the law dealing with police. Yet, in the street a nd on lecture platforms, Rennie is quick to mouth off "Off the Pigs!" Not so in court. The suit was brought and accepted as a class action, on behalf of all persons similarly situated who cross state lines and dissent against the government, thus bindin g upon potentially millions of people, none of whom were in court in the suit or even knew of the existence of the suit.

Known only to a handful, and unknown to the public, by the time the "Conspiracy" trial started, September, 1969, the Anti-Riot Law, thanks to Rennie, Tom Hayden, et al., had been made constitutional. During the summer of 1969, Rennie, et al., abandoned an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. Thus, actually there were two "trials". (1) The unpublicized test case of the Anti-Riot Law, Oct., 1968 through May, 1969, and (2) the much publicized "Conspiracy" trial, Sept., 1969, through Februa ry, 1970. The public thinks the Anti-Riot Law is being challenged in the "Conspiracy" case. Not so. Under American Jurisprudence, a test of the law cannot be made twice in the same judicial circuit under the same or similar circumstances. The earlier al most secret case is legally binding, unless there is a showing the ruling was procured by fraud or collusion. Knowledgeable researchers of law suits where collusion is suspected, call such rulings "tombstone" cases, or R.I.P. case! s (Rest in Peace).

When Skolnick confronted Rennie and the others of the "7" in the hallway during recesses in the "Conspiracy" trial, one by one the "7" sought to wash their hands of the almost secret prior suit. Jerry Rubin, one of history's most skill ed actors [his uncle Sid was in vaudeville: Look Magazine, 10/7/69,' p.20], pretended he did not know what Skolnick was talking about. Dellinger said he never heard of the earlier case; yet, he was a party-plaintiff, according to the court records. Abbie Hoffman made obscene jokes about it. A spokesman for Rennie iinformed Skolnick that Rennie had nothing to do with the case. Hardly a word of this ever saw print or got on air, yet 5 of the "7" were plaintiffs in the almost secret earlier case

For some 14 months, starting September, 1969, to November, 1970, there was, with a few isolated exceptions, an almost total news black-out by the Establishment Press, and even, wonder of wonders, by most of the so-called "underground" papers, who spend the bulk of their column space on drugs and pornography, with little anti-establishment news. [It should be noted that the Czars had their "underground", czarist-owned newspapers also, with many with names when translated are the same as names of some familiar "underground" papers. Presently, some 60% of the "underground" papers have been quietly bought out by the Kinney Corp., on whose board sit several C.I.A. people].

With considerable labor, time, and energy, from January, 1968 (before Convention Week) to date, staff membes of the Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts (called the Committee), as part of an on-going inquiry into court collusion, have unearthed mountains of factual data, tending to show the "7" case was a real conspiracy. The Committee believes, based on this data, that during the much-publicized "7" trial, Tom Hayden, Rennie Davis, Jerry Rubin, and Abbie Hoffman, should have been more properly sitting at the Government prosecutor's table in the courtroom. Since the Committee does not have much, if any, inside information, we can never know for sure whether we are right. Only a confession or admission by any of the "7" could be more certain---such as the recent confessions of two West Coast agent-provocateur, Louis Tackwood and Eustacio Martinez, that they were posing as "radical revolutionaries".

1. Background and finances of the "Chicago 7". Unknown to the public, Rennie Davis, Tom Hayden, and the others who became the "7", and persons connected with them in the National Mobilization to End the War in Viet Nam, were funded by federal money, channeled to them through pass-through organizations connected with the government. $192,000 in federal money and $85,000 from the Carnegie Foundation, acting as a conduit for the Central Intelligence Agency, were funneled to Hayden, Davis, et al., through a front calling itself the Chicago Student Health Organization. To maintain the deep "cover" of this latter group, stories were planted in the press describing the group as being "communist" inspired or directed.

Another $193,313 was funneled to the "7" from the federal Office of Economic Opportunity by way of or through subsidiaries of the Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C., an alleged "liberal" think tank posing as a left wing group, but acting as a conduit for the C.I.A. Other substantial funds came from the Roger Baldwin Foundation which has, nationwide, taken over the structure of the American Civil Liberties Union. The A.C.L.U., such as it was prior to 1967, ; no longer exists. The Roger Baldwin Foundation is funded by several pass-throughs, or conduits, for the C.I.A., among others being:

J.M. Kaplan Fund, Inc. [of New York]; New World Foundation; Aaron E. Norman Fund, Inc.

This is shown by a detailed analysis of I.R.S. form 990-A, filed by these foundations [one of the few public record tax returns]. Several persons acting for the C.I.A. sit on the Board of Overseers of the Roger Baldwin Foundation : Jacob M. Kaplan and John L. Saltonstall, among others.

As to Jacob M. Kaplan, see: New York Times Index, "U.S. Intelligence Agency", 1967. Several members of the Saltonstall family are involved with the C.I.A.: Senator Leverett Saltonstall (R., Mass.), sits with a very small number o f people on the Senate C.I.A. sub-committee. Senator Saltonstall received warm praise in a rare public speech by the director of the C.I.A. Another Saltonstall family member posed as a "radical revolutionary" during 1968 Democratic Convention Week, although in fact a counter-insurgent. Saltonstall's brother is a high-ranking C.I.A. official; see, "The Espionage Establishment" by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, 1967, Random House, pp. 160-161; also pp. 148n; 171, 173, 173n.

To assist those who later became known as the "7", the Roger Baldwin Foundation in Chicago operated a Democratic Convention Week Project. In a suit now pending in the U.S. District Court in Chicago, the defense of one of the defendants is funded by the Roger Baldwin Foundation. That defendant refused to answer questions about the pass-through funds channeled from the C.I.A. to the Roger Baldwin Foundation. See: Skolnick vs. 113th Military Intelligence Group, et al., No. 71 C 91, U.S. Dist. Court, N.D. Ill., E.D. [Defendant John M. O'Brien, while purportedly a military intelligence spy, is believed to be a double-agent for the C.I.A.]

2. Tom Hayden is one of the more quiet members of the "7". He is a brilliant counter-insurgent posing as a "radical revolutionary", operating under the deep "cover" and installed by the Kennedys in the early 1960s. Hayden has one of the highest security clearances in the U.S. He risked blowing his deep "cover" when he sat with highest government officials on the Senator Robert F. Kennedy funeral train. (See: Logistics of the Funeral" by Anthony Howard, Esquire Magazine, Nov., 1968, p.120.)

Both Tom Hayden and Rennie Davis nailed down their deep "cover" by taking up residence in depressed areas, and proceeding to agitate the community. Started in Newark, New Jersey, in the summer of 1964, Hayden's activities resulted, in part, in the disorders a few years later in Newark. All the while, oddly enough, Hayden had almost absolute police immunity.

Hayden in the spring of 1972 has taken up residence in San Diego, in preparation for the G.O.P. convention there. While others find it hard to get teaching positions, or are run out of their jobs for their politics (such as Angela Davis), Hayden suddenly gets two teaching positions convenient to his San Diego activities: one at Immaculate Heart College, and the other, at University of California, at Los Angeles.

3. Rennard C. Davis, "Rennie" Davis. Rennie's image as a "radical revolutionary" was firmly planted by his publicist and strategist, Don Rose, of 1340 East Madison Park, in Chicago's Hyde Park area. Not too long ago, Rose was an executive of the ultra-right wing, quasi-government organization, Public Administration Service, 1313 East 60th St., Chicago. PAS is connected with, and does work for, the U.S. War Department, Mutual Security Agency, and a C.I.A. subsidiary, the Agency for International Development. Among other things, PAS does work in puting together police training information. The funding for Don Rose's work comes, in part, from the C.I.A. pass-through, the Taconic Foundation of New York. Rose is also the publicist for an umbrella group of so-called Civil Rights organizations, called the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice, NCCIJ, 1307 So. Wabash, Chicago. The recent head of that group, and the previous head, were directly connected with, or officers or directors of urban-affairs type foundations and groups funded by the C.I.A. (See: Ramparts Magazine, June, 1969, p.17; Chicago Defender, 9/10/70, front page.)

One of the government functions of NCCIJ is to act as an early warning system regarding the black community and any bad reactions to injustices. NCCIJ compiles information on various civil rights groups and feeds that data to var ious federal agencies that need to be informed of possible rebellion in the black community. The Roger Baldwin Foundation's Ghetto Project in Chicago fulfills a similar purpose.

Army feared King, secretly watched him

Spying on blacks started 75 years ago

Stephen G. Tompkins Sunday, March 21, 1993

The intelligence branch of the United States Army spied on the family of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. for three generations. Top secret, often illegal, intrusions into the lives of black Americans began more than 75 years ago and often focused on black churches in the South and their ministers.

The spying was born of a conviction by top Army intelligence officers that black Americans were ripe for subversion - first by agents of the German Kaiser, then by Communists, later by the Japanese and eventually by those opposed to the Vietnam War.

At first, the Army used a reporting network of private citizens that included church members, black businessmen such as Memphis's Robert R. Church Jr., and black educators like the Hampton Institute's Roscoe C. Simmons. It later employed cadres of infiltrators, wiretaps and aerial photography by U2 spy planes.

As the civil rights movement merged with anti-war protests in the late 1960s, some Army units began supplying sniper rifles and other weapons of war to civilian police departments. Army Intelligence began planning for what some officers believed would soon be armed rebellion.

By March 1968, King was preparing to lead a march in Memphis in support of striking sanitation workers and another march a few weeks later that would swamp Washington with people demanding less attention to Vietnam and more resources for America's poor.

By then the Army's intelligence system was keenly focused on King and desperately searching for a way to stop him.

On April 4, 1968, King was killed by a sniper's bullet at the Lorraine Motel in Memphis.

In the 25 years since, investigators have focused on the role the FBI and other police agencies played in King's life. Few have paid attention to the Army's activities.

Some of the Army's spying against anti-war and civil rights groups became public knowledge in 1971 congressional hearings. But key intelligence officers avoided testifying, leaving the full story untold.

The Commercial Appeal's 16-month investigation of the Army's secret spy war with black citizens provides a first-time look inside the Army's largest-ever espionage operation within the United States.

Much of the story was pieced together from a trail of memos, memoirs, diaries and meeting notes scattered around the country in military archives, the Library of Congress, presidential libraries and private collections. Some of the documents are still classified. Other pieces came from interviews with nearly 200 participants, including the recollections of several dozen Army agents still living in this country and in Mexico.

This newspaper's investigation uncovered no hard evidence that Army Intelligence played any role in King's assassination, although Army agents were in Memphis the day he was killed.

But the review of thousands of government documents and interviews with people involved in the spying revealed that by early 1968 Army Intelligence regarded King as a major threat to national security.

A threat

Army Intelligence opened its file on King in 1947 with a photograph showing him and other Morehouse College students leaving a meeting of Mrs. Dorothy Lilley's Intercollegiate Council. She was a suspected Communist, according to the file on King kept by the 111th Military Intelligence Group at Fort McPherson in Atlanta.

Reports on King's activities were added periodically through the 1950s, but comments in his intelligence file indicate Army officers at first considered him more of a phenomenon than a threat.

Army spies pegged King as a Communist tool in the fall of 1957 when he spoke at the 25th anniversary of the integrated Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tenn. Army Intelligence had watched the school for years.

A Sept. 6, 1940, report from Maj. G. R. Carpenter, assistant chief of staff for intelligence for the Sixth Corps Area in Chicago, said the school's executive director, Myles Horton, and Rev. Claude Williams of Memphis, a New York native known for his "Communistic activities," were working together to teach "a course of instruction to develop Negro organizers in the southern cotton states."

King's visit was given extra weight because of an FBI report received the previous July of his Baltimore meeting with Stanley D. Levison, a New York millionaire who had been under bureau surveillance as a Communist fund-raiser since June 9, 1952. Levison and King formed a long friendship and business relationship.

The suspicion with which top Army officers viewed blacks had its genesis in simple ignorance but gained credence because of real and perceived links between black civil rights activists and Communists and other subversives.

From the Civil War through Vietnam, Army officers were almost exclusively white and lived on military posts where contact with ordinary black Americans was virtually nonexistent. As late as 1967, only 3.49 percent of the Army's 143,517 officers were black. Few Army commanders understood that lynchings, denial of basic human rights and economic repression were at the root of black unrest.

Successive generations of Army leaders saw black Americans in the same light as Maj. R. M. Howell, assistant chief of staff for intelligence at Fort McPherson in Atlanta.

"Communism has chosen the Southern Negro as the American group most likely to respond to its revolutionary appeal," Howell told the War Department in a Dec. 5, 1932, intelligence report.

"Anti-communism" became a "secular religion" for most Army officers after World War I, according to Dr. Christopher Pyle, a former Army intelligence school instructor who blew the whistle in 1970 on the Army's domestic spying on anti-war groups.

"Anyone who appeared soft on communism" soon found his career in limbo, Pyle, now a professor at Mt. Holyoke College in South Hadley, Mass., told The Commercial Appeal.

As King gained prominence as a civil rights leader, intelligence officers also came to believe he was a man who sparked violence wherever he went, his nonviolent philosophy notwithstanding.

For example, an agent of the 113th Intelligence Detachment overheard King at a January 1963 dinner at the Edgewater Beach Hotel in Chicago telling "two black men and a pretty white woman that Project C was ready to go," according to the surveillance report the agent filed.

A followup report dated Jan. 24 describes Project C as "plans for massive disruption of public and private enterprise in Birmingham."

Three months later, King entered Birmingham. Television screens filled with pictures of marching black elementary school children being herded into police wagons while their parents were bombarded with high-powered water guns as they left the 16th Street Baptist Church. Riots broke out and Ku Klux Klansmen patroled the night streets with shotguns.

On May 12, the White House ordered Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Earle Wheeler to send 3,000 men from Fort Benning, Ga., to Birmingham. Maj. Gen. Charles Billingslea, commander of the Army's 2nd Division, had asked for help in Birmingham because "I may have a full-scale revolt on my hands down here."

Portions of the monthlong Birmingham disturbances were recorded by U2 spy planes taking off from the supersecret "Site 98" outside Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada. Over the next seven years, at least 26 other such domestic spy flights by U2s and at least two involving the more advanced SR71 were requested by Army commanders and flown by the Air Force, according to classified documents reviewed by The Commercial Appeal.

These expensive spy flights illustrate Army commanders' growing fear of domestic upheaval as King's influence grew.

When King turned against the war in mid-1965, it merely made him that much more dangerous to some Army officers.

"To career officers, these (King's and other black militant) attacks were tantamount to giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war," Pyle said in an interview. "Since the enemy was a Communist government, suspicions of an international conspiracy were confirmed."

Maj. Gen. William P. Yarborough, the Army's top spy, became convinced that either the Chinese or Soviets, through Cuba, bankrolled King and other black radicals.

Yarborough's evidence came from Lt. Gen. Marcelino Garcia Barragan, the Mexican minister of national defense.

Through a trusted aide, Garcia gave Army Intelligence a report on June 29, 1967, that said Mexican Army Intelligence had discovered militant black Americans receiving combat training and secret funding from the Havana-based Organization of Latin American Solidarity (OLAS), financed by Communist China's military intelligence agency.

The report said, "American Negroes (were) sighted (with) automatic weapons/unarmed combat training/drilling evident" at an urban guerrilla training camp near Chiapas in southern Mexico.

OLAS's aim was to "commence guerrilla wars throughout the hemisphere to destabilize United States-backed governments . . . and (OLAS) has pledged its support to the Negro liberation movement."

Stokely Carmichael, co-chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and a leader of the black power movement, was among a number of black Americans associated with the OLAS.

And Carmichael increasingly was seen in King's company.

Army Security Agency microphones recorded Carmichael trying to warn King that he was making powerful enemies during this exchange in King's Ebenezer Baptist Church office in Atlanta in early 1967:

Carmichael: You making a lot of new enemies. Not sure (unintelligible) Birmingham as dangerous as people you're pissing off. The man don't care you call ghettos concentration camps, but when you tell him his war machine is nothing but hired killers, you got trouble.

King: I told you in Los Angeles I can do nothing else.

In speech after speech the year before he died, King tied the growing disillusionment of inner-city and rural Southern blacks to the country's preoccupation with Vietnam.

On April 4, 1967, he told 3,000 people at New York's Riverside Church:

"A few years ago, it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor, both black and white, through the poverty program.

"And then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor, so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube . . .

"Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now."

The speech shook the world. Life magazine called it "a demagogic slander that sounded like a script for Radio Hanoi."

Dispatches from the 525th Military Intelligence Group (MIG) in Vietnam reported that "Negro troops are unsettled" by articles on King's speech in Pacific Stars & Stripes and their hometown newspapers.

Maj. Gen. Joseph A. McChristian, Army chief of intelligence in Vietnam, sent Yarborough a top secret April 14 dispatch that "treasonous propaganda" from "a group calling itself Blacks Against Negative Dying (BAND) is being mailed to Negro troops telling them they are killing the wrong enemy."

The dispatch also included reports of two instances of enlisted soldiers shooting their officers. McChristian also said three black soldiers near Ankhe had offered a $200 pool for the execution of a white captain with the First Cavalry Division.

Desperate men

To many, King's shift in direction served as a lens to focus the nation's compassion and sense of justice on resolving its inner conflicts.

But Yarborough and other intelligence officers heard only the voice of an enemy who was gaining ground.

By summer 1967, the ground was shaking.

"Tank crews blast away at entrenched snipers with 50-caliber machineguns" was not a headline from Vietnam but from Detroit, where 43 people died and $45 million in property was destroyed. Rioters burned and plundered 100 other American cities during that long, hot summer.

Detroit was particularly significant to Army leaders, not just for the bloodshed and damage but the results of a secret survey.

After the riot, 496 black males arrested for firing rifles and shotguns at Army troops were herded into a warehouse north of Detroit. They were interviewed by agents of the Army's Psychological Operations Group, dressed as civilians, in conjunction with the Behavior Research Institute of Detroit.

The arrested men were asked dozens of questions, but the responses 363 of them gave to the question "Who is your favorite Negro leader?" stunned Army Intelligence.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was the clear favorite - 178 of the men named him. Men considered more radical, such as Carmichael and Malcolm X, came in a distant second and fourth.

Army Intelligence leaders repeatedly used this survey to signify the danger King represented to national security.

King really scared top Army commanders on Dec. 4, 1967, when he announced his intent to lead a poor people's march on Washington the next spring to focus public attention on "total, direct and immediate abolition of poverty."

King's call for a "Poor People's Campaign" came on the heels of the nation's worst summer of violence in three years and an October anti-war protest in which 200,000 demonstrators had besieged the Pentagon as alarmed Army brass watched from the roof.

Civilian authority's responses to these upheavals had shaken the faith of Army leaders in the government's stability. Top officers believed the years of violence and protest had weakened the nation's social and political foundations.

The escalating war in Vietnam, meanwhile, had stretched the Army's ability to keep peace at home, safeguard Europe from the Soviets and fight in Southeast Asia, secret documents show.

Now King, in a December press conference, promised "the worst chaos, hatred and violence any nation has ever encountered" if America did not heed his demands for change.

Memos obtained by The Commercial Appeal reveal Army leaders were increasingly frustrated with top civilian Pentagon officials who ignored warnings that black unrest was Communist-inspired, damaging morale in Vietnam and leading to armed revolt at home.

By December 1967, some officers felt desperate. Among them were Yarborough, who had been named assistant chief of staff for intelligence in 1966, and Maj. Gen. William Blakefield, chief of U.S. Army Intelligence Command, who reported to Yarborough.

"The Army was over a barrel," Yarborough said in an interview at his home in Southern Pines, N.C.

"Blacks were using the uncertainty of the Vietnam period and taking advantage of it," Yarborough said. "They were attacking the weak point in the line, which is tactically a good idea, but you couldn't do it without arousing animosity of all kinds.

"You couldn't expect people to be rational and look at this in a cool way," he said. "We were trying to fight a war at the same time where the home base was being eroded."

Army officers "take an oath to protect the country against all enemies, foreign and domestic," Yarborough said. "You see people breaking windows and throwing Molotov cocktails, snipers shooting policemen, people who are outwardly trying to shut the government down and announce that is what they are going to do, you have a feeling that this is perhaps a domestic enemy."

Blakefield told Army historians in 1975: "There was a fear among high-ranking Army officers that the long-term judgment of historians might be that the Army, in the late 1960s, failed to protect the people of this country, as they had in other times of crisis."

To stop that "enemy," Yarborough and Blakefield used the resources of the largest domestic spy network ever assembled in a free country.

The messiah

Though many black leaders spoke out against the Vietnam War, Army Intelligence focused on King, whom Yarborough described as "the messiah for his people, his own personal qualities notwithstanding."

King wasn't the first black leader, nor the first in his family, to be targeted for surveillance by the Army's spy agencies.

In September 1917, the War Department's Military Intelligence Division (MID) opened a file on King's maternal grandfather, Rev. A. D. Williams.

As pastor of Ebenezer Baptist Church, Williams played a key role in Atlanta's black community. He was the Atlanta NAACP's first president in 1910 and an officer in the National Baptist Convention, the largest black religious organization of the time.

During World War I, Military Intelligence targeted black ministers and others as troublemakers or friends, depending on whether they worked as MID informants. Memphis businessman Robert R. Church Jr. supplied MID Maj. Walter H. Loving with names of prominent blacks in each major Southern city, intelligence files show.

One of the first items in Williams's intelligence file was a top-secret telegram sent to the Army's Southern Department headquarters in Atlanta. The telegram said in part:

"It behooves us to find out all we possibly can about this colored preacher."

Later, a memo in Williams's file labeled him a "radical Negro agitator" for leading a campaign to create a black high school.

His NAACP involvement also earned him the attention of Army intelligence officers, who believed the civil rights group was "an agitative pro-Soviet organization for propagandizing the Negroes," according to a 1926 report by Lt. Col. Walter O. Boswell, Army Intelligence executive officer at the War Department.

King's father, M. L. King Sr., eventually succeeded Williams as pastor at Ebenezer - and inherited his own Army watchers, Army Intelligence records show.

King Sr.'s participation in the National Negro Congress tarred him with the Communist brush as well.

Col. Walter A. Buck, assistant chief of staff for intelligence, Third Army, at Fort McPherson in Atlanta said in a March 1947 report to the War Department that the NNC "serves as the staff unit of the Communist Party among Negroes."

The NNC's "program includes the ultimate founding of a Negro state in the South after the revolutionary overthrow of white landlords and capitalists," Buck said.

Of the three large black organizations active at the start of World War II - the NAACP, the National Urban League and the NNC - the National Negro Congress was considered the most activist and radical. Communist Party supporters gradually took it over, according to most histories, and a split with anti-war Stalinists at the start of WWII led to the group's decline.

Mere association with King's Ebenezer Baptist could put a person in Army Intelligence dossiers. For example, Army Intelligence files contain surveillance reports on Lillian D. Watkins, the church's financial secretary, and Felton Sims, the custodian. The only apparent justification was their employment by M. L. King Sr.

Army agents also watched an office two blocks from Ebenezer, which an April 1947 report from Third Army headquarters described as "the Auburn Avenue Branch (Negro) headquarters of the Communist Party of Georgia." Surveillance reports show local Communist head Dr. Ellwood Grant Boddie, a black dentist, visited Ebenezer regularly.

Not a clue

Despite the years of watching the King family, top Army officers were rattled by the prospect of Martin Luther King Jr. leading a horde into the nation's capital again.

An intelligence analysis distributed during a Dec. 12, 1967, conference at the Pentagon described King's plans for the march on Washington as "a devastating civil disturbance whose sole purpose is to shut down the United States government."

The analysis described King as "a Negro who repeatedly has preached the message of Hanoi and Peking."

Some of the Army's best officers attended that meeting to discuss "target city priorities" in light of "King's plans to ignite violence and mayhem" throughout the United States in April, according to a report on the conference.

But the meeting broke up in frustration, one participant said.

"Looking back, I remember nobody had any answers," he said. "We had all these West Point geniuses who could lead divisions. But when it came to stopping Dr. King, they didn't have a clue."

Nevertheless, Army Intelligence intensified its surveillance of King and covertly dispatched Green Beret teams to make street maps, identify landing zones for riot troops and scout sniper sites in 39 potential racially explosive cities, including Memphis.

The 20th Special Forces Group, headquartered in Alabama, seemed perfect for these scouting missions in the South. The 20th SFG was a National Guard unit, part-time warriors who lived and worked in many of the communities where black unrest was centered.

Green Berets from the 20th often spied on King and other black Americans during the 1960s, military records and interviews show.

Some Vietnam Special Forces veterans - particularly those who had worked in murky clandestine operations with the CIA, the Special Operations Group (SOG) or the top secret Detachment B-57 - were "dumped" into the 20th "for safe- keeping," according to a former major with Army counterintelligence.

"They couldn't let a lot of these crazy guys back into the states because they couldn't forget their training," he said. "Birmingham (20th SFG headquarters) became Saigon. The rural South was in-country and at times things got out of hand."

Many members of the 20th SFG during the '60s still live in the South, some under new identities. Some of them spoke to The Commercial Appeal only if their names were not used or locations revealed.

A former 20th Special Forces sergeant from Detachment B-6, Company B, who was stationed in Columbus, Miss., said the unit's undercover missions "didn't peak into windows, if that's what you mean."

"But a lot of us knew guys who knew things. You know, Klan guys who hated niggers, so we'd ask them about where nigger troublemakers might meet, and we'd go there and then file a report. It wasn't any big deal."

But it became a big deal.

In return for paramilitary training at a farm in Cullman, Ala., Klansmen soon became the 20th's intelligence network, whose information was passed to the Pentagon.

Bill Wilkinson, chief of the Klan's Invisible Empire branch in 1983, told United Press International (UPI) that the group no longer had a training camp at Cullman.

"And they're not paramilitary. We called them 'Klan Special Forces,' " he said.

Tinderbox

While Army commanders chewed on the King problem, another one came to a head: The sinkhole of Vietnam had sapped the military's pool of available, experienced manpower.

A grim group of Army generals received that secret news on Feb. 8, 1968, in a bugproof conference room at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Fla., headquarters of the U.S. Strike Command, responsible for the defense of the continental United States.

Two secrets in particular chilled the combat veterans: Gen. William C. Westmoreland, commander of U.S. forces in Vietnam and a close West Point classmate of Yarborough's, badly needed reinforcements despite a publicly optimistic report he had given President Johnson just a few weeks before.

Yet there weren't enough troops left in the United States to control a nationwide outbreak of protests, let alone the armed revolt many officers expected.

"We knew the whole country was a tinderbox," said Ralph M. Stein, a Pace University law professor who in 1968 was the top Army Intelligence analyst in the Counterintelligence Analysis Bureau at the Pentagon.

"Once we recognized the magnitude of actual civil disturbances, based on our worst possible scenarios, we didn't have enough combat-type troops to react to widespread riots," Stein said.

"At one point, we even considered pulling troops out of Vietnam or withdrawing units from the Seventh Army (in Europe)."

Upon his return from the MacDill meeting, Yarborough told a top aide: "I can't believe what sorry shape we're in."

Shadowing King

But Yarborough and other intelligence officers had little time to bemoan their situation.

King was busy building momentum for his poor people's march and trying to maintain a bridge between moderate civil rights forces like the NAACP and his own Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the increasingly militant Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee of Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown.

King did not have an easy task, as illustrated by a recording made Feb. 7, 1968, by Army Security Agency buggers.

Army undercover agents had followed Carmichael and King to the Pitts Motor Hotel in northwest Washington, where the two activists met in Brown's room. Carmichael had recently returned from Hanoi.

Brown and Carmichael argued against turning the other cheek in the upcoming Washington march.

Brown: We stop the fuckers here. Right here.

Carmichael: No more Uncle Tom, dammit. This let-them-shit-on-you shit . . . ain't working. You know it and so does everybody.

King: Is killing and burning (unintelligible) in your own people's streets your answer?

Carmichael: It's time. We can't wait anymore, and the people (unintelligible) us are tired of waiting.

King: Nobody is as tired (of waiting) as me.

Carmichael: Then let's shut the honkies down. They bring the Army, we fight the fuckers with ours. We got guns. Marching for peace - shit, you seen it. What's it got us?

An hour after that exchange, Army agents listened to King tell 600 people at Vermont Avenue Baptist Church:

"We seek to say to the nation in our campaign that if you don't straighten up, then you're writing your own obituary."

Intelligence officers and other high-ranking government officials found it hard to mesh such rhetoric with King's avowed nonviolence.

In a Feb. 14 memo to President Johnson, White House aide Larry Temple called King's philosophy "criminal disobedience" and urged the president to ''publicly unmask this type of conduct for what it really is."

On Feb. 15 at Fort Holabird, Md., Blakefield met with three of Yarborough's top aides - Herbert Taylor, special assistant to the Army's top spy; Dayton Cassidy of the Counterintelligence Analysis Branch; and Frederick H. Gaston Jr., Army Intelligence Systems Analysis Group.

A still classified memo of the meeting said Blakefield wanted a ''systematic analysis of King's plans, manpower and weapons we might see in the streets" of Washington in April.

On Feb. 19, King went to Miami to drum up support for the "Poor People's Campaign." Armed with a new $230,000 Ford Foundation grant, he told a group of black ministers that American capitalism must be reorganized.

Rev. Samuel Billy Kyles of Memphis, who was in the audience, later that afternoon told King about 1,300 Memphis sanitation workers who were striking against the city for refusing to recognize their union. Kyles, joining Rev. James Lawson, asked King to come to Memphis to support the strikers.

A Feb. 22 report in King's Army Intelligence file states: "Indications from reliable source are MLK will be in Memphis to support union striking city."

Armed camp

While Army Intelligence scrambled to develop hard information that could be used to counter King's Washington plans, others made their own preparations for what many feared would be another summer of violence.

Detroit Mayor Jerome P. Cavanagh, who saw his city become a war zone in July 1967, asked the city's Common Council to authorize a $9 million bond issue to buy machineguns, M-1 carbines, gas masks, flak vests, 50,000 rounds of ammunition, infrared sniper scopes, tear gas guns and grenades, 50 new scout cars, eight armored vehicles, a helicopter and spotter plane.

Mayors and police officials in other cities such as Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Miami, Chicago and Newark also began buying high-powered rifles, machineguns, armored vehicles and tear gas grenades.

In Memphis, new Fire and Police Commissioner Frank C. Holloman began outfitting five new anti-sniper squads with 30.06 rifles with scopes, the civilian version of the rifle used by Army sniper teams.

While big city officials were making these public moves, some Army units secretly took matters in their own hands.

In February 1968, the 113th Military Intelligence Group (MIG) at Fort Sheridan, Ill., outside Chicago, began supplying the "Legion of Justice" terrorist group with tear gas, Mace, electronic surveillance equipment and money to harass anti-war groups.

Led by Chicago lawyer S. Thomas Sutton, who recruited Chicago police intelligence officers, the Legion used wiretaps supplied by 113th agents to break into and bug the offices of anti-war groups.

In Baltimore, the Inspectional Services Division of the city police received secret funding from the 109th MIG to spy on area black radicals.

In Washington, the Metro Police received $120,000 in 1967 and $150,000 in 1968 from Army Intelligence. Undercover police intelligence officers met regularly with 116th MIG agents. They maintained an index card file of 21,000 suspected black and anti-war radicals.

Teams of police and Army Intelligence officers followed and photographed King during a prayer march in Arlington Cemetery on Feb. 6, 1968, and his sermon the following day at Vermont Avenue Baptist Church. The officers later used the pictures for dart practice.

While these Army Intelligence units secretly worked with civilian police departments, other Army officers supplied automatic weapons and even rocket launchers to the black market, where they often ended up in the hands of militants, white and black.

Stolen or missing Army weapons had been sold to extremists and rioters as far back as 1940, according to Army records.

In May 1963, a carload of white men using Army-issue 45-caliber pistols with Army bullets shot up and firebombed the farm of Hartman Turnbow, who had dared to be the first black in Holmes County, Miss., to register to vote in the 20th Century.

The pistols had been "misplaced" from an Alabama armory and sold to Ku Klux Klansmen from Greenwood, Miss., by an Army National Guard sergeant, an Army officer familiar with the case said. The weapons were never officially recorded as lost, the officer said.

The Defense Supply Agency between 1958-63 supplied riot shotguns, M-1 rifles with bayonets and Army radios to police and highway patrol units in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia. But the practice was discontinued in 1964 because "these weapons are finding their way into the hands of undesirables or extremists," an October 1963 Army Provost Marshal report said.

Many weapons turned up "lost" during training exercises in the United States and Mexico, according to a classified Justice Department file reviewed by The Commercial Appeal.

During a 1967 training exercise at Camp Shelby, Miss., involving Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana National Guard troops, soldiers of the 20th Special Forces Group lost "70 M-16 rifles and assorted .45 pistols and ammunition," a report in the file says. An undetermined number of M-72 light anti-tank weapon rockets also were "lost during the exercises," the report added.

The Justice Department file was put together in preparation for the trial of Maj. Gen. Carl C. Turner, provost marshal of the Army. Turner, the Army's top law enforcement officer, pleaded guilty in 1971 to selling firearms illegally to the Kansas City and Chicago police departments.

Turner also tried in February 1968 to secretly sell machine-guns and sniper rifles to Memphis's assistant police chief Henry E. Lux at a Sacramento conference on civil disturbances sponsored by the International Association of Chiefs of Police. Lux turned down the offer.

The Army had always battled theft of its weapons, but now powerful tools of death were turning up in the hands of growing numbers of people fighting the government.

Destiny nears

In public appearances around the country, King continued to hammer away at the "terrible, tragic, unjust war taking place in Vietnam" and to drum up interest in his "Poor People's Campaign."

King's rallying cry came against the backdrop of Westmoreland's request for still more troops in Vietnam and the 1968 presidential primaries. Anti-war candidate Eugene McCarthy won a startling 42 percent of the vote in New Hampshire's primary. Sen. Robert Kennedy took the cue to get into the race, promising to end the war and heal the nation.

And the war was going badly. The Tet Offensive had shattered Westmoreland's forecast of impending victory. More than 40,000 soldiers had deserted in 1967, and drug use among Army troops in Vietnam had gotten so bad that the 135th Military Intelligence Group in Saigon concluded in February 1968 that "we are approaching the stage where in some maneuver battalions whole squads are infested (with drugs)."

Meanwhile, the Army had finished its intelligence outlines on 124 cities with the potential for violence that summer. The outlines included maps with all "sensitive areas" marked, landing zones, secret storage sites for riot gear and weapons, and files on all civic leaders and known troublemakers.

Details of those plans were kept secret from civilian law enforcement agencies for fear of leaks. Still, at least the Army felt better prepared for King.

But before Washington came Memphis.

At 11:06 a.m. on March 28, King linked arms with Rev. Ralph Abernathy, his trusted colleague in the SCLC, and Bishop B. Julian Smith of the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church and led a march in support of Memphis's striking sanitation workers.

The peaceful demonstration soon turned violent, leaving a 17-year-old dead, 60 injured and 120 in police custody.

Later, in his eighth-floor room at the Rivermont Hotel, King warned Memphis's black leaders that he would not participate in another march unless it was better organized.

An FBI report on the Memphis violence condemned King.

"This clearly demonstrates that acts of so-called nonviolence advocated by King cannot be controlled. The same thing could happen in his planned massive civil disobedience for Washington in April."

In Washington the day after the march, Sen. Robert Byrd (D-Va.) said, "The nation was given a preview of what may be in store for this city by the outrageous and despicable riot that Martin Luther King helped bring about in Memphis . . ."

King flew to Atlanta that day, but promised to return to Memphis the following week to lead another march.

On March 31, the president of the United States became a casualty of Vietnam - Johnson announced he would not seek re-election.

On April 3, King returned to Memphis. Army agents from the 111th Military Intelligence Group shadowed his movements and monitored radio traffic from a sedan crammed with electronic equipment.

Eight Green Beret soldiers from an "Operation Detachment Alpha 184 Team" were also in Memphis carrying out an unknown mission. Such "A-teams" usually contained 12 members.

On April 4, at 6:01 p.m., a bullet from a 30.06 rifle equipped with a scope struck King down on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel.

The man whose fingerprints were found on that type gun - James Earl Ray - pleaded guilty to King's murder and is serving a 99-year prison sentence. Ray bought the rifle from a sporting goods store in Birmingham, FBI investigators said.

On Oct. 3, Atty. Gen. Ramsey Clark sent a report to the White House. The predicted summer of violence that was to have begun with King's April 22 demonstrations in Washington never happened, the report said.

Rioting had broken out in several cities as news of King's assassination spread, but "there was a clear and significant decline in the number and severity of riots and disorders this summer," Clark said.

<snip>

Mr. RocHFORD. The National Advisory Commission on Civil Dis-
orders recommended police intelligence units to gather, analyze, and
disseminate information on potential, as well as actual disorders.

The police have every right to gather and keep revolutionary in-
tellio^ence material, as well as criminal information. In fact because
of the great potential for public harm, the police have a higher obli-
gation to properly obtain and use intelligence information to pre-
serve the peace, and to prevent terrorism within our society, than to
deal with lesser forms of crimes which affect only an individual.

All our law-abiding citizens should be proud that we have an in-
telligence division, Chicago was one of the Nation's few major cities
which has not felt the rap of terrorist attack during the past few
years. The intelligence function has enabled us to arrest numerous
individuals for a variety of criminal activities. They have furnished
us information which has enabled us to seize machine guns, dyna-

47

mite, and blastino; caps. It has enabled us to prevent kidnappinijs and
threatened assassinations, and to take measures to prohibit potential
major disturbances.

The importance of the intelligence division was recognized by a
special Cook County Grand Jury investigating the Students for a
Democratic Society during the days of rage, who on November IT,
1969, issued a statement saying — and I quote from their report :

We observed the splendid work done by the undercover men of the police de-
partment, and further realize and appreciate the great danger these dedicated
men and their families have been faced with for many mouths, and in some
cases years, both day and night. It is recommended that law enforcement agencies
in other communities need the necessary funds in order to resort to this effective
manner of obtaining information relative to this subject.

Investigations in the Security Unit are conducted relative to indi-
viduals and activities which may threaten danger to the peace and
security of the city and its populace ; or, who may have indicated an
intention to engage in activities which may cause harm to the city and
its populace, including the following :

1. Military, revolutionist, and terrorist organizations;

2. Disruptive demonstrations requiring police manpower to exer-
cise both crowd and traffic control ;

3. Acts and threats of violence or disruption directed at people and
at buildings ;

4. Groups who have demonstrated a history of disruptive acts, who
function in the periphery of disorder by creating pressure situations.

Keeping in mind, while this is the purpose of the unit, much of the
information gathered is raw intelligence which consists of hearsay,
rumor, and suspicion, and needs much careful analysis and verification.

As a consequence our files have always been kept confidential and
must remain in that category. We do not have dossiers, investigations,
or personal files on distinguished persons and others mentioned re-
cently in the press, only references. I think that someone owes respected
citizens an apology for releasing their names to the press. The infor-
mation could only be obtained, in my judgment, improperly, through
material turned over for pending litigation and has violated our con-
fidentiality. Trial through the press is dangerous and damaging to
everyone.

There are more than 2,000 community organizations listed in the
telephone book as operating in Chicago, and I am sure a lot more
actually exist ; fewer than 50 of these organizations warrant any police
attention because of their activities, that is less than 21/^ percent. Less
than 200 individuals out of the more than 3 million-plus population
are the subject of police intelligence investigations and dossiers.

Most of the names recently made public in our city were not and
have not been the subject of any intelligence investigations. There were
never personal dossiers on more than 100 individuals, and at most the

48

names you read, or were led to believe were subject of investigations
are actually references in our files.

The policy of the intelligence division in placing individuals under
surveillance is a judgment decision, usually the result of an initial com-
plaint alleging some activity which might cause the police department
to respond. The intelligence division has a policy requiring them to
function within the framework of established guidelines designed to
reflect current legal and judicial decisions, and the protection of the
constitutional rights of all persons. These are the rules and we abide
by them.

Those gathering information are assigned to collect reliable, useful,
and important information concerning specific persons or activities,
pursuant to the successful conclusion of investigations. The interest of
the intelligence division is not directed at elected or appointed public
officials, nor is the political belief or preference of any individual or
group per se of concern to the intelligence division, unless the group
or the individual fall within the provisions set forth previously. Other
byproduct information is not collected purposely, only in refer-
ence

<snip>

Mr. RociiFORD. The distinction I wish to make is that we do not have
political targets, religious targets, or racial targets per se. If the per-
son, however, happens to be involved in conduct that is detrimental
to our Government, Ave would not back away from that individual.

]Mr. SoFRwiNE. What you are saying may perhaps be summed up in
a cliche, but still very, very true, you are pursuing your duty without
fear or favor.

Mr. RocHFORD. That's correct.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Please, go ahead.

Mr. RociiFORD. You have the ability to put it very well, thank you.

Sometimes the undercover efforts are brought to the attention of the
public, sometimes they are not. Recently one of our undercover men was
iDadly beaten when his identity was discovered. In the more distant
past undercover infiltration by one intelligence officer of the Klu Klux
Klan resulted in the arrest of a number of individuals and the seizure

49

of weapons. On a regular basis people are injured by some groups who
profess to be political activists, but in reality care little about any-
thing other than getting their own w^ay. If their demands are not met,
they create disorder.

Xo one likes to be checked or monitored. However, we have an obli-
gation to protect citizens and their property from disruption, violence,
harm, and destruction. We intend to fulfill our obligation to the law-
abiding citizens of our city.

The files of every newspaper, their morgue files, keep information on
prominent citizens and important events. Is that classified as spying?
Is it proper for the news media to be able to obtain and pass informa-
tion about individual acts, and the police department to be prevented
from doing so ?

Never have there been any instances, or any information from our
intelliofence files that has been used to embarass or humiliate anv indi-
vidual, or to deal with his moral conduct. Xever has the Chicago Police
Department collected information solely for religious, racial, or politi-
cal reasons. Intelligence data always w^as used to keep the peace, pro-
tect the citizens from violence and disorder.

The information was always confidential, but now some other parties
have seen fit not only to disclose the information, but to slant and
misconstrue the truth, and thereby impugn reputations.

We do not practice a policy of illegal spying, illegal monitoring, or
illegal eavesdropping. Since I have become superintendent there has
been a total review and analysis of all recorded data, and steps have
been taken to expunge extraneous, irrelevant information from our
files. Last year we destroyed tons of outdated material and records.
That policy will continue after pending litigation is resolved.

Our total intelligence effort has been and will continue to be di-
rected at the prevention aspect of violence, rather than at the enforce-
ment aspect. Not only do I have a primary responsibility and obliga-
tion to the citizens of our city, I also have a responsibility to the brave
men of the department who have undertaken a very courageous,
dangerous and difficult task in the turbulent days of the past.

I cannot and will not abandon my responsibility to them, and I will
not turn my back on the law-abiding community. I will continue to
closely monitor persons and organizations with a variety of legal
strategies who I feel are operating contrary to law^ and to the best
interests of our country.

New, strict, and more stringent guidelines are being updated and
developed, and I will personally designate and be responsible for all
infiltrations by our department in the future.

We have, and will continue to have, a cooperative arrangement, as
indicated earlier, with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, consistent
with the guidelines that I previously stated.

Thank you Mr. Chairman.

Senator Thurmond. Thank you.

<snip>

Senator Thurmond. ISfay I iust ask you this question. You spoke
about conspiracy cases brought by the district attorney's office in
Chicago ?

Mr. Ware. Yes, sir.

55

Senator Thurmond. Would you elaborate a little bit on that.

Senator Scott. Now, was that the U.S. district attorney ?

Mr. AVare. It was the former U.S. district attorney for the Northern
District of Illinois.

Senator Scott. You are talking about Federal action.

Mr. Ware. Yes, sir ; the Conspiracy Seven involved a fellow named
Thomas Hayden.

Senator Thurmond. And how does that affect your police depart-
ment, did you say ?

Mr. Ware. We had an undercover officer who had infiltrated the
group and was one of the main witnesses, one of our intelligence men ;
he filled in as a witness in the trial, along with much of our other
testimony.

Senator Thurmond. In other words, you cooperated with the system,
the U.S. attorney's office in that matter.

Mr. Ware. Yes, sir.

Senator Thurmond. And there was criticism of that on the part of
some ?

Mr. Ware. Considerable criticism concerning the entire Conspiracy
Seven trial. They attempted, in certain areas, to make them heroes in
their efforts to disrupt the activities that were conducted in Chicago.

Senator Thurmond. Senator Scott, do you have any questions?

Senator Scott. Mr. Chairman, is this part of the — and I'm not
familiar with the details — but as I recall. Congress did pass an act,
the Safe Streets Act. There was a provision there that if people
traveled from one part of the country, traveled in interstate commerce,
for the purpose or with the intention of committing some act of vio-
lence, they were found with various kinds of explosives on them, that
this was a Federal offense. Is this the type of thing you are talking
about, some sort of conspiracy to act in violence ?

Senator Thurmond. I think I might answer that. I happened to
offer the amendment in the Senate that said if they go from one State
to another with the idea of committing a crime, the travel is an offense.

Senator Scott. That is the law today. And this action, you feel, was
brought under that ?

Senator Thurmond. The seven were brought to trial under that
section. That's correct, isn't it?

Mr. Ware. Yes, sir.

<snip>

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was the Conspiracy Seven case dismissed by the
court, or was there a jury aquittal ?

Mr. Ware. If I remember correctly, there was a conviction, initially,
on that, and then it was reversed.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Reversed by the appellate court ?

Mr. Ware. Yes, sir.

<snip>

TESTIMONY OF EUGENE DORNEKER

ISIr. DoRNEKER. My position, I am the investigator assigned to the
security section, Intelligence Division of the Chicago Police
Department.

Mr. SouRwiNE. How many investigators of similar rank, or author-
ity, are there in the department ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. In the security section there are probably 20
investigators.

<snip>

Mr. DoRNEKER. The main target or organization I am assigned
to is the Alliance to End Repression. And in conducting the investi-
gation concerning the Alliance to End Repression, certain informa-
tion has come to me and it appears that the Alliance to End Repres-
sion is a Communist front organization.

A Communist front organization would be an organization or publi-
cation which is created, or taken over by Communists to do the party's
work. Because subterfuge often makes it difficult to recognize its true
nature the Communist front has become an important weapon of
communism in this country. The Communist front, for example,
camouflages its true purposes behind such moral and human appeals
as peace and civil rights, while serving the aims of the Communist
Party and the Soviet Union.

<snip>

The Alliance to End Repression had its beginning through efforts
of an organization called the National Committee Against Repressive
Legislation. This committee also advertises the fact that it was for-
merly known as the National Committee to Abolish the House Un-
American Activities Commission, and the House Internal Security
Committee.

Mr. Sourwine. That was the House Un-American Activities
Committee ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes. This Communist front organization, the Na-
tional Committee Against Repressive Legislation has been cited dur-
ing House hearings as being a Communist front organization.

<snip>

As a member group of this National Committee to End Repressive
Legislation, there is a group in Chicago, called the Chicago Committee
to Defend the Bill of Rights, which is the midwest regional office of
the national committee. Its head is Richard Criley, who is the execu-
tive director of the Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights.
In publications given out by the Chicago Committee to Defend the
Bill of Rights, Richard Criley is quoted as saying :

As one of the organizations which helped create the Alliance, we believe that
its tremendous promise must not be jeopardized by critical if temporary lack
of funds.

Several other persons who are holding offices with the Chicago
Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights also hold office with the
Alliance to End Repression. Some of those persons include Richard
Criley, who is the executive director of the Chicago Committee to
Defend the Bill of Rights, and currently serves on the steering com-
mittee of the Alliance to End Repression. He is also the head of the
legislative task force for the Alliance to End Repression, which
handles lobbying for national legislation, which is for the most part
pointed at pro-Communist type activities.

Milton Cohen has been identified by sworn testimony at House
hearings as being a member of the Communist Party. He is the secre-
tary of the Alliance to End Repression; he serves on the Steering
Committee of the Alliance to End Repression.

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. Tliat is the Alliance to End Repression.

Mr. DoRNEKER. Right.

He is also on the letterhead stationery of the Chicago Committee to
Defend the Bill of Rights as a member of the board of directors of
the Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights.

Jesse Prosten has been identified in sworn testimony as a member of
the Communist Party, has been a staff member of the Alliance to End
Repression, and is listed on the Chicago Committee to Defend the
Bill of Rights stationery as being a member of its board of directors.

Borris Ross made application and was issued a passport to visit
the U.S.S.R. on July 23, 1957. The application asked the question,
"Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party." Ross an-
swered, "Yes."

Boris Ross is a member of the Alliance to End Repression.

Richard Criley has been identified by numerous persons during
sworn testimony as being a member of the Communist Party. Richard
Criley invoked the fifth amendment numerous times during hearings
concerning his alleged Communist activities. He has — Richard
Criley — ^been associated with known Communists, and has been in-
volved with numerous Communist front type organizations.

Several other persons involved with the Alliance to End Repres-
sion are associated with identified Communist front organizations.

Francis J. McGrath has been listed as being a Steering Committee
member of the Alliance to End Repression, a vice-chairperson of the
Alliance to End Repression, and is also a member of the board of
directors of the Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights.

John Kearney has reported for the Alliance to End Repression
Bail Task Force, and is also listed as a member of the Advisory Coun-
cil of the Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights.

59

Mr. Chairman, I would like to siibmit to you a copy of an invitation
to a reception on January 19, 1973, honoring Communist Party mem-
ber Claude Lightfoot. This invitation contains a partial list of spon-
sors, many of whom have been identified as members of the Communist
Party. Among the sponsors the following Alliance to End Repression
members were listed : Richard Criley, Rev. Martin Deppe and Father
John Hill.

[A copy of the invitation submitted by Mr. Domeker was not of
reproduction quality, but contained the following information :]

You are cordially invited to a reception and autographing set honoring Claude
Lightfoot, presenting his new book, "Racism and Human Survival : Lessons of
Nazi Germany for Today's World." Entertainment and Refreshments. Time :
Friday, January 19, 1973. Reception : 7 :00 p.m. Program : 8 :00 p.m. Place :
Midland Hotel. Cartoon on invitation shows wedge being driven through wrist of
hand grasping for cringing persons in a corner. Ring on hand has illegible sym-
bol, possibly swastika. Caption attributed to Lightfoot reads, "Racism and anti-
communism as in the days of Adolph Hitler can still propel the world toward
disaster."

Claude Lightfoot Reception — January 19, 1973

pabtiaii list of sponsors

Lynda Appelhans, Margaret Appelhans, Arnold Becchetti, Leon Beverly, Rich-
ard Criley, Reverend Martin Deppe, Ishmael Flory, Frances Gabow, Ben Green,
Bill Hampton, Father John Bill, Mrs. Christine Johnson, Jack Kling, Attorney
Max Maiman, Margaret Palmer, John Pappademos, Theodore Pearson, A. A. Ray-
ner, Jr., Harold Rogers, Norman Roth, Attorney Irving Steinberg, Gil Terry,
Robbylee Terry, Charles Wilson, and Sylvia Woods.

(Copy of invitation may be found in the files of the subcommittee. )

The Daily World has been identified by the House Committee as
being the official newspaper of the Communist Party U.S.A. News-
paper articles are submitted with this report, one deals with, "Hun-
dreds at Midwest Tribute to Gus Hall," among those present the article
included the identification of, "Claude Lightfoot, Cochairman of the
Communist Party Black Liberation Commission, and chairman of the
Communist Party of Illinois." Also shown was, "Father John Hill,
chairman of the Alliance to End Repression."

<snip>

Mr. SouRwiNE. What's the significance of the inclusion of the name
of Ernie DeMaio in the list of people ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. To the best of my recollection, Ernest DeMaio has
been identified as a member of the Communist Party. But due to my
inability to research all of our records in the city, I am not able to give
you that information.

[The information was provided later, and follows :]

Ernest DeMaio was identified as being a Communist on July 25 1973, during
hearings before the Committee on Internal Security, House of Representatives
concerning Revolutionary Activities Directed Toward the Administration of Penal
or Correctional Systems, part 4.

<snip>

Senator Thurmond. Well, I mean, was a case brought by some dis-
sidents, or people who are trying to prevent the police from accumulat-
ing and using those files; or what was the purpose in putting them

61

under lock and key and making them inaccessible to the police
department?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Well, it began with the Federal law suit that was
filed by the Alliance to End Repression, against the intelligence divi-
sion. Shortly after that the Alliance to End Repression attempted to
get sympathy towards their case. The news media began a series of
articles Mhich were slanted against us.

Senator Thurmond. All the news media in Chicago, or just some
of them ?

INIr. DoRNEKER. I would have to say all of the news media in Chicago
have carried adverse articles. These articles made accusations concern-
ing our conduct, and allegations of things we were supposed to have
done. I believe the court closed the file section at our building. There
were accusations that we were destroying records at our facility. And
the superintendent, to preserve his integrity, found it necessary to im-
pound our files to cease these accusations in the papers.

Senator Scott. This court order, was that from a Federal court ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. I believe it was a Federal court order.

Senator Scott. Now, you mentioned — Mr. Chairman, if I might —
you mentioned articles in the paper. Are you talking about news items,
or editorials?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Pardon ?

Senator Scott. You mentioned news items that may have had a
bearing on the records being locked up, the papers all writing critical
articles. Were they news items, or were they editorials, or a
combination ?

]Mr. DoRXEKER. For the most part copyrighted articles, it was a full
attack, news articles, columnists and editorials.

Senator Scott. Well, was it by columnists ? It was not news accounts
that happened.

Mr. DoERNEKER. It was columnists and news articles.

Senator Scott. Wlio were some of these columnists ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Mike Royko, Larry Green, Rob Warden.

Senator Scott. Do they write primarily in Chicago, are they Illinois
papers, or are they nationally syndicated columns? I'm not familiar
with these.

Mr. DoRNEKER. I believe they are just in Chicago.

<snip>

Senator THURaroNo. I am wondering if the police department had a
press aide, or someone who could go to the papers and explain to them
what you have done, what you are doing, and try to get their
cooperation.

Mr. DoRNEKER. I don't believe so, sir, because some of the reporters
that are involved, like this story by Larry Green and Rob Warden,
who apparently are working closely with the Alliance to End
Repression.

Senator Thurmond. What paper do they represent ?

INlr. Dorxeker. The Cliicago Daily News. We have documents, given
out by the Alliance to End Repression, which elaborate on that, how
the Alliance to End Repression worked with their attorneys to file
federal law suits against us, and then gave information to Rob Warden
and Larry Green. So, I don't believe in that case it would be ad-
vantageous to us to try to sway them.

Senator Thurmond. Well, how about the Chicago Tribune ?

Mr. Dorneker. I am not familiar with that.

Senator Thurmond. They would be more objective, wouldn't they?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, but so far it's been more insinuation and innu-
endo. Apparently no one is really seeking the truth of our situation.

Senator Thurmond. Well, I'm just thinking, if you could get them
the truth, if your police department could get the truth to them, the
Chicago Tribune or some news media there, and explain to them what
you are doing and the importance of it, that they might write articles
favorable to your position.

Mr. Dorneker. Mr. Chairman, Superintendent Rochford did write a
press release which concerned the intelligence-gathering activities of
our department, and submitted it to the news media. To the best of
my recollection. I recall a later statement by Superintendent Rochford
when he said, "You didn't even find it fit to print my press release."

Senator Thurmond. They didn't print his press release ?

Mr. Dorneker. Correct, t believe they didn't.

Senator Thurmond. Well, has he had an interview, or conversation,
or visited the officers of any newspapers ? Sometimes, if you make an
eifort to get to people and explain your position, if they are neutral,
then they can help you. Sometimes just issuing a press release is not
sufficient. If you have a personal conversation with some of these news
media, they might help you.

Excuse me, go ahead.

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire ?

Senator Thurmond. Yes.

Mr. Sourwine. You don't think that any newspaper has an obliga-
tion to print the police department's press release, do you ?

Mr. Dorneker. I believe they should print the press release because
the Superintendent feels that this is information that is vital.

Mr. Sourwine. Well, who decides what a newspaper should print,
the Police Superintendent, or the newspaper?

Mr. Dorneker. The press, the newspaper decides.

Mr. Sourwine. Of course. Now, I don't intend to quarrel with your
obvious feeling that the press is against you, I don't know what the
facts are, and I'm willing to accept your testimony. But I want to be
sure the record speaks clearly— and I don't mean that in derogation
to you at all. You spoke of the newspapers, or some of the newspaper
columnists working very closely with the Alliance and cooperating
with them in harassing the police department.

64

Is this a reaction, you feel that way because the newspapers don't
approve of you and have criticized the department? Or do you have
any hard evidence to indicate there is actually a connection between
the reporters or columnists at the papers and these Communist-
dominated and — controlled organizations, or any of them?

Mr. DoRNEKER. I believe there is a close working relationship.

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have said that. I am asking you, do you have
any hard evidence of it ? I'm not harassing you, but I assure you, your
case is going to be better if you limit it to not your feelings, but what
you know, what you have hard evidence to.

Mr. DoRNEKER. Mrs. Noren has a publication given out by the Alli-
ance which states that Rick Gutman of the Alliance has made contact
with the Daily News, and they kept the story going.

[The material referred to follows :]

Alliance to End Repression — April 1975 Progress Report
council me^eting agenda

The "Red Squad" . . . The Alliance's historic March 20 public disclosure of
documented information showing illegal infiltration of civic groups by the Chi-
cago Police Department will be the main item — with current information about
the Red Squad's documents, activities and style. Various documents from the
Alliance's dossier will be circulated. A small sampling of such documents re-
vealed five different "numbered" informants covering our meetings then relating
their information "on the street" to another person — on its way to "our" file.

FIFTH ANNIVERSARY DINNER

The headquarters of the Alliance opened with two staff April 1, 1970. On Satur-
day evening, April 26, 1975 we will begiu celebrating our 5th anniversary with a
supper and commemorative program at McGiffert House, 5751 S. Woodlawn. A
buffet dinner begins at 6 P.M. Congressman Ralph Metcalfe has accepted our
invitation to start the program with a keynote address about 7:00. A spoken
history of the Alliance and its times— 1970 to 1975— will be presented by a score
of per.sons associated with Alliance programs over the years.

Our 5-year history leads to an Alliance first— the presentation of an Alliance
"Civil Freedoms" award to Rick Gutman, our volunteer attorney who broke the
Red Squad story — and by then probably more of the story can be told. Twenty-
nine year old Rick is an alumnus of Proviso East High, Harvard, U of Chicago,
Peace Corps, Nader's Raiders and the ACLU.

A record turn-out is expected and we must make reservations ahead. So to
guarantee admission, please purchase your tickets ahead and early — by mail or at
the Alliance office ... or through your delegate to the Alliance. $6.50 includes
a roast beef dinner.

RED SQUAD EXPOSE

Rick Gutman. volunteer attorney for the Citizens Alert Project of the Alliance
to End Repression, was the one who identified the Red Squad undercover agents
and the names of the Chicago civic groups they had infiltrated. The information
was turned over to Chicago Daily News reporters, Larry Green and Rob Warden,
with the agreement the Alliance be given credit for uncovering the facts.

The publicity aftermath was enormous, putting the Alliance's name on front
pages for days'. The Washington Post and Newsweek, in telling the story, noted
the Alliance's work against illegal surveillance. Local television carried inter-
views with Alliance representatives. WGN, WBBM and WLS provided the Alli-
ance time to reply to their editorials. .

State Representative Joseph Lundy has introduced a bill in Springfield which,
if enacted would require Police Departments to obtain authorization from a
judge before infiltrating an organization. A City Council meeting called to discuss
theproblem was adjourned for lack of a quorum. ^ , ... ^ „„^

A few law suits were filed in the wake of the news. Several organizations and
individuals have asked to join the federal suit we have pending before Judge
William Lynch. On our appeal from a court order which would have permitted

65

the Police Department to destroy files on persons not named in our complaint, the
Police Department was ordered, at least temporarily, to keep intact Intelligence
Division files on all persons.

MeanNvhile criminal proceedings continue before a County Grand Jury. Charges
of burglary and illegal wiretapping alleged in our federal law suit are being
investigated by the State's Attorney's OflSce. Senators Percy and Stevenson have
requested federal criminal investigation. This may be a touchy matter if news-
paper stories that the FBI received stolen documents from the Red Squad prove
to be true.

FREEDOM OF INFOKMATION BILL

The Alliance's Freedom of Information Bill, H.R. 452, introduced in Spring-
field last month by Representative Susan Catania and nine co-sponsors, is now
being considered by the Executive Committee of the House of Representatives.
John Huston, law student with our State Legislation Task Force, who drafted our
bill, has testified that the need for such a bill is commonly felt by most people
and organizations seeking public information and that the passage of such a bill
is needed to bring the State of Illinois into line wdth procedures followed by
federal agencies.

The Executive Committee will vote on the bill on Thursday. April 10. Wire,
phone or write your representative before then to ask his help for H.R. 452, the
Freedom of Information Bill. Call us if you need names, addresses, etc.

BAIL LEGISLATION

Fortunately most of the proposed revisions in the bail statutes have died in
committee. How^ever, H.R. 422. sponsored by Brian Duff has passed out of com-
mittee. This bill advocates bond revocation and holding accused without bond
while additional proceedings are begun. Contact your legislators and urge them
to oppose this bill ; immediate action is needed. For additional information, call
Judi McArdle, 427-4064.

CITIZENS COMMITTEE ON THE MEDIA

Participants in last month's CCOM conference on "air time" were enthusiastic
about coming together again — this time for a more extensive exploring of the
print media. Carolyn Toll, CHICAGO SUN TIMES reporter who spoke at the
conference, has arranged to conduct her Loop College Adult Education seminar
at the Alliance headquarters for our convenience. The six-session, 5 :30 to 7 :30
Monday evening seminar will start April 21. Topics will include basic publicity
skills for community groups, press releases, press conferences. There will be in-
formal sessions with media people, in addition t-o Ms Toll, discussing why certain
community issues are not covered the way people would like them to be. We will
explore Community-Press Councils as a way of closing the gap between members
of the community and their communities' media. Materials will be provided in
the total fee of $5. There is a condition ; for Loop College to offer this — a mini-
mum of 15 registrants paying their $5-each the first evening. If all who signed
up at the March conference can make this time, we will be assured of the full
seminar. It will assure us — if you will let us know ahead you will be here 4/21
evening. Loop College gives one community credit for the course. Bring a sand-
wich ; the Alliance will provide the coffee.

COOK COUNTY SPECIAL BAIL PROJECT

Bail continues to expand. An additional staff person will be hired to help with
Weekday Court. Resumes should be mailed to CCSBP, 22 E. Van Buren. Job
description is available on request. And of course, volunteers always needed 7
days a week.

Calendar items . . . The Second Thursday, April 10 Citizens Alert delegation to
the monthly Police Board Meeting : call Ruth Wells here. State Legislative Task
Force : 1st and 3rd Mondays at 4 :30. Gay Rights Task Force — Monday, April 28
at 5 :30 PM — on the new City Council and amendments to city codes and an
employment thrust.

Alliance finances a reminder of our needing you . . . Many organizations sent
in their annual affiliation contribution the first quarter — many more still due and
needed. Individuals may "join" as ".supporting members" at a $10 minimuna
yearly contribution — thus receiving these monthly Progress Reports, membership
card — and a soon-to-be-published more extensive "Open Letter." Monthly or reg-
ular "pledges" are automatically supporting members. Please join us.

66

Name Phones

Address

(zip)

Organization, if any

I pledge a monthly contribution of $ till I give notice.

I would like to be a "supporting member" $ enclosed.

Am enclosing $ for tickets ($6.50 each) for April 26

Supper.
Though I cannot attend the Supper Celebration, am enclosing

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who is Rick Gutman ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Richard M. Gutman is a member of the Alliance to
End Repression ; he is an attorney, and he signed the Federal law suit
against the Chicago Police Intelligence Division.

Mr. SouRwiNE. He is counsel for the organization in its action against
the police ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is that the same Richard Gutman who was a member
of the Venceremos Brigade, who made a trip to Cuba ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. With the information I have available to me, I be-
lieve he is the same Richard Gutman.

Mr. SouRwiNE. The Richard Gutman that I was inquiring about, Mr.
Chairman, is Richard M. Gutman who was a member of the Third
Venceremos Brigade, according to the passenger manifest, which is a
mater of record. We took substantial testimony, the Chair will remem-
ber, from Correspondent DeLake June DeVois on the Cuban ques-
tionnaire regarding police which was given these Venceremos Brigade
people.

You have no knowledge of that on your part ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. No, sir.

<snip>

Senator Thurmond. OK. Is there anything else you would like to
say to us ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, sir. There is another person involved with the
Alliance to End Repression, who held office with the Chicago Com-
mittee to Defend the Bill of Rights, who has not been identified as
being a member of the Communist Party, but who holds offices in iden-
tified front organizations and in the Alliance to End Repression. This
person is Reverend Martin Deppe, who is a member of the Advisory
Council of the Chicago Connnittee to Defend the Bill of Rights ; and
has also held positions on the Alliance to End Repression.

So, there are numerous persons who are connected with the Alliance
to End Repression and with identified Communist front organizations.

<snip>

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, then, let me take it so far, with the Chair's
permission, and see if I understand. You told us so far the police are
in your opinion under attack by an organization called the Alliance
to End Repression.

Senator Thurmond. To end what ?

Mr. SouRwiNE. To End Repression. The Alliance is headed by, or
has as its moving spirit one Richard Criley.

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. This organization was founded when ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. In the early part of 1970.

Mr. SouRwiNE. 1970 or 1971 ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. 1970.

Mr. SouRwiNE. This organization was a direct out-growth of the
National Committee against Repressive Legislation?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, it was.

Mr. SouRwiNE. That, in turn, is a new name for the National Com-
mittee to Abolish the HUAC?

Mr DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Those were known Communist fronts ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are satisfied that the Alliance to End Repres-
sion is a Communist front?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. In the Chicago area the Alliance to End Repression
works in tandem and is interlocked with the Chicago Committee to
Defend the Bill of Rights ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is the Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of
Rifrhts in your opinion a Communist front organization?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRWiNE. You testified that Mr. Criley is associated with the
Alliance to End Repression, and with other identified Communists,
inchiding one Milton Cohen and one Jesse Prosten and Borris Ross?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRWiNE. You testified there are a number of people in promi-
ment positions in the Alliance who have long records of association
with front organizations, or with the Communist Party, or with
Communist functions?
Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

69

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have named as included in that group one John
Kearney ; one Rev. Martin Deppe ; and one John Hill ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know Frank McGrath ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir, Frank McGrath is also included in that
group.

<snip>

RELATED ORGANIZATIONS

The Citizens Alert project was developed by the Alliance to End Repression
which founded two other projects, the Cook County Special Bail Project and the
Illinois Prisons and Jails Project. The Cook County Special Bail Project, con-
sisting of three hundred volunteers, has been operating a Release-on-Recognizance
Program at Holiday Court since February 27, 1971. Funds for this project are
also LEAA funds. The Illinois Prisons and Jails Project, which is cooperating
with the Illinois Department of Corrections in setting up a citizens visiting pro-

60-030 O - 75

70

gram to Stateville prison, is funded by the Field Foundation of Illinois, Woods
Charitable Trust, Wieboldt Foundation and the Playboy Foundation. The three
projects are tax-exempt, managed by independent boards. John Hill, coordinator
of the Alliance to End Repression, is consultant to them all. All are located on
the same floor at 22 E. Van Buren. The Alliance itself is a coalition of church,
community and human relations groups ; a list of these is attached.

AFFILIATED MEMBER 0EGANIZATI0N8 — OCTOBER 1974

1. Adrian Dominican Sisters Social Concerns Committee (111., Iowa, Upper
Michigan).

2. Association of Black Social Workers.

3. Catholic War Veterans of USA, St. Martin de Porres Post 1854.

4. Chicago-Area Fellowship for Renewal.

5. Chicago-Area Unitarian Universalist Council.

6. Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights.

7. Chicago Connections.

8. Chicago Disciples Union.

9. Chicago Heights Unitarian Universalist Community Church.

10. Chicago Peace Council.

11. Community Christian Church of Chicago.

12. Community of United People (of Holy Family Catholic Church).

13. Concerned Argonne Scientists.

14. Congregation Solel — Religious Action Committee — Highland Park.

15. Countryside Unitarian Universalist Fellowship.

16. Emma Lazarus Jewish Women's Clubs.

17. Ethical Humanist Society of Chicago.

18. Evanston Ecumenical Action Council (Federation of Churches' Action
Program ) .

19. Fifty-Seventh Street Meeting of Friends.

20. First Congregational Church of Wilmette.

21. First Unitarian Church of Chicago.

22. First United Methodist Church of Evanston.

23. Friendship Club.

24. Friendship House.

25. Glencoe Human Relations Committee.

26. Japanese-American Citizens League.

27. Jesuit School of Theology of Chicago.

28. Jewish Cultural Clubs of Chicago.

29. K A M Isaiah Israel Congregation — Social Action Committee.

30. Lutheran Church in America, Illinois Synod — Social Ministry Committee.

31. Mattachine Midwest.

32. National Association of Social Workers — Chicago Chapter.

33. National Council of Jewish Women — Chicago Section.

34. National Council of Jewish Women — Evanston-Niles Township Section.

35. Near North Unitarian Universalist Fellowship.

36. North Side Friends.

37. SCOPE (Southwest Community Organization for Peaceful Equality).

38. SHURE (South Suburban Human Relations Federation).

39. Sisters of Charity, B. V. M.— Social Response Commission (National organ-
ization).

40. St. Agatha Catholic Church.

41. St. Athanasius Catholic Church Community Life Committee.

42. St. Elizabeth Catholic Church.

43. St. Mark United Methodist Church.

44. Tenth Congressional District Politics for Peace.

45. Third Unitarian Church of Chicago.

46. United Methodist Board of Christian Social Concerns, Northern Illinois
Conference.

47. Urban Apostolate of the Sisters.

48. Wellington Avenue United Church of Christ.

49. West Side Christian Parish.

50. Wheadon United Methodist Church— Evanston.

51. Wilmette Human Relations Committee.

52. Winnetka Human Relations Committee.

53. Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, Chicago Branch.

54. Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, North Shore Branch.

71

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, Mr. Dorneker, you told us the stated purpose
of tlie Alliance to End Repression is to combat restrictive legislation,
or improper or repressive activities by the police department?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRWiNE. You told us its real purpose is substantially
different?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes.

Mr. Sourwine. Now, what is its real purpose, or what are its real
purposes, in your opinion?

Mr. Dorneker. One of the purposes of the Alliance — that came out
at an Alliance to End Repression meeting — they decided they would
create a surveillance task force which would concentrate in the fol-
lowing areas, dealing with the so-called "Red Squad." One was to
obtain all information possible in regard to the identity of individual
agents and respective accountability in the chain of command of the
Chicago Police Department; and to determine the location of Red
Squad fronts, or specifically administrative and operational control
centers of the overt units of the subversive section.

The ultimate goal of the surveillance task force was to control and
to limit the operations of the Red Squad, plus the prospect of the
eventual elimination of all our activities.

<snip>

Mr. Dorneker. Another area of repression on the part of the Alli-
ance toward the Chicago Police Department deals with the law suit
concerning discrimination, which made it difficult to hire personnel, or
promote personnel, by creating a shortage of police officers in the city
of Chicago.

Mr. Sourwine. Anything else? [No response.]

Do you think that the Alliance seeks to abolish police intelligence ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, I believe they do.

Mr. Sourwine. And in the interim between then and now and the
successful abolishment which they hope for, they are seeking to ren-
der your intelligence operations ineffective?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes.

Mr. Sourwine. Do you think they are seeking to discredit the police
department ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes.

Mr. Sourwine. Do you think they especially cultivate hostility
against it in the public's mind ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes.

Mr. Sourwine. And do you think they especially cultivate hostility
against the police in minority groups ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes.

Mr. Sourwine. Have they sought to disrupt meetings of the Police
Board ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, they have.

Mr. SouTiwiNE. Have they sought to establish a degree of control
over the activities of the police department through the accountability
sessions they have been able to organize ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, sir.

Mr. Sourwine. Have they sought to infiltrate the Police Beat
program ?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, sir.

Mr. Sourwine. Have they sought through that to establish a degree
of control over police activities ?

72

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes.

Mr. SouRwiNE. The Police Beat program was recently set up
by the Chicago Police Department in the interest of better community
relations ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, it was.

Mr. SouRWiNE. Tell us a little more about it for the record.
Mr. DoRNEKER. The Beat Representative program was set up to have
representatives of the citizenry be able to assist members of the police
department that are doing the actual street work. There is also a Steer-
ing Committee set up in each police district. At one of the last Alliance
to End Repression meetings, which Mrs. Noren attended, a discussion
was held at this meeting by members of the Alliance, how they planned
to use various civic organizations and civic groups as their vehicle to
enter into the Beat Representative program, and to gain a position in
the Steering Committees in each district.

Mr. SouRwixE. Now, the Alliance to End Repression has several
separate lines of attack against the police department, if I understand
you correctly?
Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes.

Mr. SouRwiNE. What is the Bail Bond program ?
Mr, DoRNEKER. The Bail Bond program is formally known as the
Cook County Special Bail project. They seek to have reform in bail
laws. This was the part of Alliance to JEnd Repression which Officer
Cushing was a member, and can speak with greater authority concern-
ing their activity.

Mr. SoTjRwiNE. Now, the Alliance to End Repression has also men-
tioned as a special target the police surveillance project, has it not ?
Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. What is the police surveillance project, as they op-
erate it?

Mr. DoRNEKER. That is the task force that I formerly made ref-
erence to, the surveillance task force, where they are attempting to
obtain the identity of our informants, where we are located, to bring
lawsuits against us, so that we would be disbanded. This is the lawsuit
they filed the latter part of last year.

Mr. Sour WINE. Well, under the surveillance project they are haras-
sing not only the department, and not only the intelligence operation,
but they are also harassing individual police officers who are assigned
to function within your operation, are they not?
Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, what is the Citizens Alert project ?
Senator Thurmond. Could I ask a question right there? How are
they harassing the individuals ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Individual officers. We have information that an
individual, Thaddeus Tecza was arrested at our intelligence facility.
Navy pier. May 3, 1971, attempting to gain entry into our facility. He
was referred to at an Alliance meeting by an Alliance person as being
one of their people. At a later time Thaddeus Tecza was observed
with Mark Weiss, who was sent from New York, to photograph mem-
bers of our intelligence division during their field operations. We
have photographs of Mark Weiss and Thaddeus Tecza together with
their photographic equipment, as they were photographing us at
demonstrations.

73

As we would leave our facility at Navy pier, Mark Weiss and mem-
bers of his crew would take our photographs as we passed on foot and
in cars.

Mark Weiss, second from left, and Thaddeus Tecza, extreme right.

<snip>

Alliance To End Repression — May 1975 Progress REa>oRT

COUNCIL MEETING AGENDA

The meeting will be largely on State Legislation. We will deal with the hand
gun legislation, capital punishment repeal, and freedom of information leg-
islation introduced by Leland Rayson. The political and social realities of

75

Joliet Correctional Center, where the recent prisoner uprising occurred, will be
described by members of IPJP's Citizens Visiting Committee who have been
visiting the institution for more than a year. Milt Cohen will also lead a dis-
cussion on the possible place for senior citizens in the struggle to end repression.

FIRST PUBLICATION . . . HOW THE RED SQUAD EXPOSE HAPPENED

The Alliance's most dramatic single stroke achievement in its five year his-
story came with the expose of police infiltrators. The Red Squad law suit, while
technically alive, appeared to be dying for lack of interest. Motions for dis-
covery had not been granted. The pace was slow.

In an effort to pick up the pace and encourage public interest, Rick Gutman,
a volunteer attorney with Citizens Alert, tried to interest news reporters in
the suit. But no one within the Intelligence Division was talking with reporters.
And the reporters had no documentary information linking the Red Squad to
questionable activities. An anonymous police informant did reveal to Citizens
Alert that there had been a fire in an Intelligence Division file cabinet. A motion
to turn over the files for safekeeping to the court, based on the Fire Depart-
ment's report of the fire, was denied. Reporters did not, at first, follow through
on our report of the fire.

Finally Rick Gutman obtained a copy of the Chicago Police Department's
payroll. He reasoned that police officers doing undercover work would have to
be on the payroll if they were getting paid for their work. He looked for per-
sons assigned to 175, payroll code for the Intelligence Division. There, in cate-
gory 099, entitled Assignment Unknown, he saw six names, including those of
Geno Addams who had infiltrated the Alliance and Howard Pointer who had
infiltrated PUSH. Milt Cohen helped Rick indentify Mark Salone as the past
president of the Organization for a Better Austin. Since the other officers were
listed as white males, Rick Gutman called what he thought would be a likely
white target for police infiltration, the Citizens Action Program. CTP people
were surprised to hear tlie name "Melvin Barna," a close GAP associate.

Daily Netvs reporters Larry Green and Rob Warden were called. At a meet-
ing on the street, which ironically is the way Red Squad agents turn over their
information to their superior. Rick Gutman turned over his information to
the reporters. He had an agreement with them that the Alliance would be given
credit for breaking the story.

FREEDOM OF INFORMATION

The Alliance's Freedom of Information Bill introduced by Representative
Susan Catania and testified for by John Huston before the House Executive
Committee never get out of committee. But a Walker sponsored bill, intro-
duced by Leland Rayson seems to have a chance of getting to the floor next
week. As soon as you get this letter write to your legislators to support HB
1820. The Walker bill is similar in most important aspects to the bill intro-
duced by the Alliance.

Department heads, both local and state, do not want to support a bill that
will make them disclose their operations to the public. It will probably take
a major struggle over a period of years to create the freedom of information
movement necessary to insure passage of a freedom of information bill. Vot-
ing will probably be the week of May 12. Call Mary Alice Rankin at the Alli-
ance, 427-4064, for help in the names of your representatives . . . and/or
where to write them.

IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION SERVICE

The federal agency which combs through Latino communities in an effort to
find and deport illegal Mexican-American immigrants is the Immigration and
Naturalization Service of the U. S. Justice Department. In addition to the
questions raised by this type of operation there are questions also raised by
the racial composition of the agency. According to this agency's currently avail-
able employment records, there are only fourteen Latino employees in a work
force of 125 in this 13-State federal region.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 as amended in 1972 requires the U. S. Civil
Service Commission to oversee the equal employment programs of federal agen-
cies and to investigate charges of discrimination against individuals or classes
of individuals. Complaintants can ultimately file suit in federal court to seek

76

an end to discriminatory hiring practices. Appropriate federal statutes require
tlie U. S. Civil Service Commission to cooperate with community groups in-
terested these problems.

Members of the Alliance and of the Archdiocesan Latin American Commit-
tee have just started to work on the problem. Anyone who would like to join
us, contact the Alliance. This comes under our Citizens Alert Project ; ask for
Ruth Wells.

CITIZENS COMMITTEE ON THE MEDIA

The Citizens Committee on the Media just sent out a collective request for
air time to the 48 radio stations and 8 television stations in the metropolitan
Chicago area. Over 50 topics represented by over 35 spokespersons were listed.
This week the CCOM is starting to visit all the stations to talk further about
the collective request and to discuss how the stations go about ascertaining
community needs for programming. CCOM's seminar continues Monday even-
ings, 5 :30 to 7 :30. May 19's topic will be the effective use of video recording-
playback by community groups.

COOK COUNTY SPECIAL BAIL PROJECT

Field work with the Bail Project brings in many students. More are expected
this summer from several of the colleges around Chicago — working in week-
day court. As weekday court expands, "Bail" is adding another staff coordi-
nator. Anyone interested send a resume to Betty Schulte. Vols needed 7 days
a week.

FIFTH ANNIVERSARY

Rick Gutman received the Alliance's Civil Freedoms Award at the recent sup-
per celebration of the Alliance's Fifth Anniversary. The award recognized his
role in breaking the police spy story. Rick noted the sustained efforts of Val
Klink, a volunteer Alliance attorney without whose diligence and ability the
Red Squad suit, brought by Citizens Alert and ACLU, never would been filed.

Congressman Ralph Metcalfe keynoted the program with an analysis of the
current legislative repression, especially as seen in S. 1, the administration's
proposal to gather federal criminal statutes into a single code. S. 1 represents
a multi-fronted assault on civil liberties. Free speech, peaceable assembly, press
freedom, capital punishment, and 4th amendment privacy are among the reali-
ties at issue in S. 1. (Call us about S. 1 Workshops in your district.)

A five-year history of the Alliance was delivered by 14 persons who repre-
sented Alliance staff. Alliance founders, and current Alliance leadership. Within
a few months the history will be published with photos and distributed to the
various organizations and volunteers that form the Alliance constituency —
and to others — as our financial contributors.

If you could not come to the supper celebration — you can still help us cele-
brate and push on in the coming year, by sending in the form below — with
whatever you can give.

<snip>

I would like to submit a copy of the June 6, 1975, Daily News head-
line and copyrighted article by Rob Warden and Larry Green. The
headline reads, "Police kept spying after Rochford ban."

[The information follows :]

[From the Chicago Dally News, June 6, 1975]
PoucE Kept Spying Aftee Rochford Ban

HOUSEWIFE INFILTRATED CIVIC GROUP

(By Larry Green and Rob Warden)

Chicago police have continued to spy on at least one service organization
despite assurances from Police Supt. James M. Rochford that such spying
stopped months ago.

The organization is the Alliance to End Repression, an amalgam of 56 com-
munity and church groups that carries on various federally funded projects
aimed at police, court and prison reform.

One police informant, a South Side housewife, participated in key policy-
making committees within the organization until just two weeks ago.

Another, who is now a policeman, attended policy meetings up until March,
when The Daily News made its initial disclosures in the police spying scandal.

The woman was identified in police files as confidential informant No. 5633.
She infiltrated the Alliance in 1971 as a representative of a religious organization.

The man was identified as informant No. 3538. He infiltrated the Alliance in
1971 as a representative of a community organization that purported to be
interested in racial equality.

The informants reported primarily to three oflScers in the intelligence divi-
sion. Eugene Dorneker, Terrance Knox and William McWhinney.

Alliance director John Hill and attorney Rick Gutman found what they
called "overwhelming circumstantial evidence" of the identities of the in-
formants by analyzing a series of intelligence division reports that had been
made public in connection with a lawsuit in federal court.

Only one person attended all of the meetings reported on by agent 5633, and
only one attended those reported on by agent 3538, Alliance records show.

A police source acknowledged to Daily News reporters that the Alliance
analysis was correct.

Hill and Gutman said Friday they have turned the informants' names over
to Asst. State's Atty. Nicholas lavarone, who is running a county grand jury
investigation of police spying.

The daily news learned that lavarone already has subpenaed the man iden-
tified by the Alliance.

The man is being represented by Warren Wolfson and Harry Busch, the
criminal lawyers hired on order of Mayor Richard J. Daley to represent police
involved in the scandal.

The woman has not yet been subpenaed.

Hill and Gutman also said they had written to Supt. Rochford demanding
an immediate end to police infiltration of the Alliance.

Rochford, who in March had declared that police infiltration of community
groups had stopped months earlier, could not be reached for comment on the
latest disclosure.

Intelligence reports available through the federal court show the informants
reported on meetings of the Alliance with officials of the Law Enforcement As-
sistance Administration (LEAA).

LEAA supplies the funds for most of the Alliance's projects.

Among the alliance's activities is a bail bond project, which is designed to
provide information to help judges determine appropriate amounts of bond in
criminal cases.

The Alliance also has programs to improve juvenile justice and reduce police
brutality.

The intelligence reports show that the informants gave the police inside in-
formation on the Alliance's plans to file a federal suit against the police "Red
Squad."

so

This raises questions on whether police invaded the lawyer-client relationship
and possibly violated some persons' constitutional rights to legal counsel.

Similar questions were raised Thursday by G. Flint Taylor Jr. an attorney
representing the Black Panthers, who charged in U.S. District Court that he and
other lawyers had been the victims of i>olice spying.

Taylor told Judge Jo.seph Sam Perry that intelligence documents indicate
police eavesdropped on a telephone conversation between Taylor and a client in
the jail in 1971.

In addition. Taylor said, documents indicate that attorney Jo-anne Wolfson
was under police surveillance when she represented the Black Panthers.

Mrs. AVolfson is the wife of Warren Wolfson, who is representing the police
in the current grant jviry matter.

Other documents, Taylor said, indicate police intelligence agents went to
New York to report on William Bender, an attorney involved with Taylor in a
civil suit filed by Panthers here.

<snip>

Mr. SouRwiNE. To get back to my question, now. Where does the
Alliance to End Repression get its funding?

Mr. DoRNEKER. A large part of its funding comes from the LEAA
funds.

Mr. SotTtwiNE. The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes. sir.

Mr. Sour WINE. A U.S. agency

Mr. Dorneker. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE [continuing]. Is funding a Communist front or-
ganization which is harassing the police department in Chicago?

Mr. Dorneker. Yes. sir.

Senator Thurmond. Let me ask you a question on that. Is that
funding going direct to that organization, or is it turned over to some
agency, and they in turn funnel it to them ; who makes the decision
for this particular organization to get those funds, an agency of the
Federal Government, or an agency of Illinois ?

Mr. Dorneker. There is an organization, which is a subgroup of
the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, called the Illinois
Law Enforcement Commission.

<snip>

Mr. DoRXEKER. There is a group under the Illinois Law Enforce-
ment Commission, called the Chicago-Cook County Criminal Justice
Commission, which the Illinois Law Enforcement Commission felt
that the Chicago and Cook County area was too big of an area for them
to concentrate or to evaluate the situation. So, they allowed a sub-
group to be formed. The Chicago-Cook County Criminal Justice Com-
mission is supposed to receive applications for funding, they are to
screen them, do the investigatory work and then make a suggestion
or recommendation to the Illinois Law Enforcement Commission. The
Illinois Law Enforcement Commission then can approve, or disap-
prove the recommendation of this lower subgroup.

We have verified that the Chicago-Cook County Criminal Justice
Commission has on occasion rejected funding of the Alliance to End
Rei)ression groups ; and the Alliance to End Eepression has ap-
proached the Illinois Law Enforcement Commission directly in an
effort to receive funding. The Illinois Law Enforcement Commission
can overrule the decision.

Senator Thitimoxd. And they have ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir, the lower group rejecting the application,
and the Illinois Law Enforcement Commission has given them funds.
There are people who are on the Illinois Law Enforcement Commis-
sion who have formerly held positions with the Alliance to End
Repression.

Senator Thurmoxd. What does this Alliance to End Repression
do to warrant receiving funding? What do they claim they do to war-
rant to receive law enforcement funds ?

Mr. Dorxeker. They claim to be working with the court system
through the Cook County special bail project, attempting to obtain
court reform.

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know specifically what moneys have been
received by the Alliance to End Repression through this chain, from
the LEAA appropriations ?

Mr. Dorxeker. I have that information, but it's currently locked up

in the safe, and I do not have access to that, nor the rest of

Mr. SouRWixE. For the committee's information, Mr. Chairman,
we will ask the witness to affirm that this is accurate as far as he knows,
that in 1973 for the so-called bail project the Alliance got $22,152 in
Federal funds from LEAA. In 1974, for the bail project, the Alliance
got $38,297. In 1974 they also got $30,000 for their citizens alert proj-
ect, which the witness has testified about already.

Do you know of any other allocations of LEAA funds to the al-
liance ?

Mr. Dorxeker. Your figures sound correct. I have the information,
as I said, concerning this situation, but it is locked up now.

<snip>

The material referred to follows :]

Among those persons who have been appointed to the Illinois Law Enforce-
ment Commission (I.L.E.C.) the following have been associated with the Alliance
To End Repression :

Warren Wolfson, listed as member of Board of Directors of the Alliance To
End Repressions Cook County Special Bail Project, July 24, 1970. Withdrew
as member of Board July 1973, as he was appointed to the Illinois Law Enforce-
ment Commission so as not to create a conflict of interest. Held meetings in
his oflBce with Cook County Special Bail Project members to advise them as
late as January 1975.

James Taylor, June 1972, Taylor was a member of the Board of the Alliance
To End Repressions Citizens Alert and also member of Advisory Board of the
Alliances Cook County Special Bail Project.

Sgt. Arthur Lindsay, John Hill stated that when the Alliance To End Re-
pressions project would not be funded, Sgt. Lindsay contacted him and said
not to worry, that the project would be funded.

James Haddad, during meetings with Cook County States Attorney Carey,
the Alliance To End Repression inquired as to who in his oflBce the Alliance
could establish as a contact. James Haddad was the contact between the Alli-
ance To End Repression and the States Attorneys oflSce.

Cook Country Special Bail Project

(Meeting: Wednesday, March 15, 1972 7:30 P.M., 22 East Van Buren Street,

Chicago. )

From : James Zacharias, Chairman.

To : All Members of the Board of Directors.

AGENDA

Meeting Minutes of February 16 Board and March 1 Executive Committee :
Joan Hoffman.
Interviewers' Statement : John Rocacz, Wayne Rusch.
Personnel Committee, Job Descriptions : Mary Powers.
Statistical Report, Plans and Accomplishment : Starr Tomaczek.
Follow Up Program, P. & A. : Jerald Westermeyer.
Court Activities and Records : Sheila Ryan.
CNA Foundation : Judith McArdle.
Funding : Joan Hoffman.
Treasurer's Report, Audit : Marian Hurley.
Executive Director's Report, 8 Points : Vance Archer.
Consultant's Report : John Hill.

Cook County Special Bail Project, Advisory Board

Gene Bear Bow, Indians for Indians, 4606 N. Kenmore, 275-3988.

Norman Boyden, Supt. of Public Instruction, 188 W. Randolph, 793-3854.

Robert Cummins, Hume Clement Hume & Lee, 1st National Bank Plaza,

726-4848.

83

Robert Howard, Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Underlaw, 53 W. Jack-
son, 939-5797.

Irene Hutchenson, Hull House Uptown Center, 4520 N. Beacon.

John Hill, 22 E. Van Buren, 427-4064.

E. Duke McNeil, The Woodlawn Organization, 1135 E. 63rd St., 289-5840.

Harry Turkington, National Lawyers Guild, 939-2492.

Leo king, WTTW Television, 5400 N. St. Louis, 583-5000.

Val Klink, 176 W. Adams-Suite 1948, 726-2220.

Rev. Dick Lawrence. 8039 S. Phillips. 731-5886.

George Laronge, American Indian Center, 1630 W. Wilson, 878-3200.

Gary Palm, University of Chicago, Mandel Legal Aid Clinic, Fa 4-5181.

Ellis Reid, Cook County Bar Association, 110 S. Dearborn, 372-5438.

Garmon Velasquez, 3528 W. 72nd, 641-4598.

Stephen Schiller, Dept. of Criminal Justice, U. of I. Circle Campus, 663-5290.

Jim Tavlor, Action for Survival, 4500 S. Michigan, 285-5800.'

Warren Wolf son, 221 N. La Salle, 346-0285, 822-9343.

Treasure^j's Report — March 15, 1972

RccctDts
March 1: CLC— Woods $1074.00

Expenditures
March 1 : Salaries :

John Hill 192. 76

Vance Archer 517. 62

JoAnn Baustin 521. 51

Total 1231. 89

March 1: Rent 150.00

March 10: Secretary of State 7.00

Total 1388. 89

Bank Balance: February 16, 1972 496.23

Deposit: March 1 1074.00

Total 1570. 25

Less expenditures 1388. 89

Balance 181. 34

Board of Directors

Ms. Clare Benford, 1007 W. Rush, Chicago, 111.

Starr Tomozek, 927 Davis, Evanston, 111.

Mr. Jerry Westermeyer, 1221 Lee St., Melrose Park, 111.

Ms. Shelia Ryan, 5412 N. Lynch, Chicago, 111.

Mr. Vance Archer, 5414 S. Ingleside, Chicago, 111.

Mr. Henry Bassett, 1962 E. 71st PL, Chicago, 111.

Mr. Milt Cohen, 5322 S. Kimbark, Chicago, 111.

Ms. Mary Cummins, 8919 S. Justine, Chicago, 111.

Mr. David Cushing, 1645 West 100 PI., Chicago, 111.

Ms. Doris Hicks, 25 E. Chestnut, Chicago, 111.

John Hill, Alliance to End Repression, 22 East Van Buren, Chicago, 111.

Ms. Joan Hoffman, 5484 S. Everett, Chicago, 111.

Ms. Marian Hurley, 5228 N. Long. Chicago, HI.

Ms. Sylvia Kushner, 4240 N. Clarendon, Chicago, 111.

Ms. Judi MeanUe, 27 N. Cornell, Villa Park, 111.

Mr. Dan Morris, 1400 E. 57th St., Apt. 201, Chicago, 111.

Mrs. Mary Powers, 860 Lincoln Ave., Winnetka, 111.

Mr. Wayne Rusch, 64 E. Jackson, 6th floor, Chicago, 111.

James Zacharias, 937 Gordon Terrace, Winnetka, 111.

Mr. John Rokacz, 64 E. Jackson, 6th floor, Chicago, 111.

<snip>

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you seen this ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir, I have.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you tell us if this was circulated by the Alli-
ance to End Repression ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir, it is.

Mr. SouRwiNE. That was circulated generally throughout Chicago ?

Mr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this may go into the
record, it is headed "Alliance open letter",

[The document subsequently was ordered into the record.]

[The material referred to follows :]

85

the aUiance

openHteR

At this moment, a qualitatively new in-
itiative is needed to defend our freedoms,
and stop repression. Toward this end,
we propose the building of a unified, in-
clusive, action-oriented alliance of org-
anizations of many kinds to:

1) place the defense of our basic free-
doms as a top priority;

2) focus public attention on each major
incident of repression, interpreting it in
the light of many other such instances in
order to make the emerging pattern of
repression clearly visible;

3) develop the material and organization-
al power and resources to deal with re-r
pression at every level; and

4) enlist the support and commitment of
largenumbers of people, including many
who until now have been passive.

Organizationally, we seek to create a
flexible framework which will permit
each organization to maintain its identity
and autonomy, to deal with such issues
as it chooses, without, however, sacri-
ficing the ability of the Alliance to act
quickly and decisively.

This structure is intended to serve as a
center for coordinated action, evaluation
of priorities, and exchange of relevant
information and educational resources.

60-030 O - 75 - 4

86

m

m

iiiii

opeo]

et

t

Number 1
April 1971

The Alliance Open Letter is published
periodically by the Alliance to End
Repression, 431 S. Dearborn, Room 1126,
Chicago, Illinois 60605.

Editor: Dave Meade

Art Director: myke waitsman

1971 The Alliance to End Repression

87

the p Of the alliance

As 1969 came to an end, a number of events,
local and national, highlighted the rapid erosion
of constitutional rights. Among these were the
Chicago "anti-riot" conspiracy trial, the deaths
of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark in a police
raid on their apartment, the undermining of the
civil libertarian trend in the Supreme Court in
the president's designation of Judges
Haynesworth and Carswell, and the plethora
of repressive bills flowing into the Congress.

A score of leaders of human rights-oriented
organizations reached the conclusion that a
new initiative was needed to reverse the
anti-libertarian trend before it undercut our
freedoms beyond the point of recovery.
The decision was made to launch the Alliance
to End Repression.

Formative meetings were held in January,
February and March of 1970 during which
time the statutes of the organization were
drafted and ratified. The Alliance opened
its office on April 1, 1970 with John Hill and
Betty Plank coordinating the collective endeavor.
John had been the founding president of the
Association of Chicago Priests. Betty had been
director of Friendship House. A Steering
Committee was formed, officers were elected,
monthly Council meetings were scheduled,
and the first task forces were convened.

In the first year of the Alliance some important
victories were achieved. Organizations affiliated
with the Alliance joined in an appeal to the
Federal Appellate Court for relief from the
"gag rule" that Judge Robson had imposed

on the defendants known as the "Chicago 15."
The Appellate Court ordered Judge Robson
to vacate his ruling as overbroad. The Alliance
also arranged for 67 affiliate organizations to
file petitions for the appointment of a special
prosecutor in the Hanrahan/Panther case.
Other organizations filed similar petitions and the
special prosecutor was indeed appointed.

Finally the Alliance's Task Force on Bail secured
the cooperation of the Circuit Court of Cook
County to introduce bail reform in the weekend
Holiday Court. As a result, indigent accused
persons now have legal representation at their
bond hearing and the use of recognizance bonds
has increased dramatically.

Currently the Alliance's Task Forces are: Bail
Reform, Legislation, Jury Reform, Justice in
Law Enforcement, Political Trials and Judicial
Accountability.

There are about 70 groups working closely with
the Alliance. Some of these are human relations
groups or church organizations. Others represent
persons who are the victims of repression.

Finances were a particularly acute problem
during the first year of the Alliance because
the organization was new and largely unknown.
As it has begun to be increasingly recognized,
the outline of a dependable fiscal base is becoming
clear. Funds come largely from individual pledges
and organizational contributions.

John Hill, executive coordinator

the illlcers nt the alliance

Chairman: Rev. Jack Mendelsohn, minister
First Unitarian Church of Chicago

Vice-Chairman: Joan Hoffman, of the
57th Street Meeting of Friends

Treasurer: Norman Boyden, director of
Urban Crisis Program of the National
Association of Social Workers

Secretary: Thomas Sardina, volunteer
staff of the Lawndale Peoples
Planning and Action Conference

Executive Coordinator: Rev. John Hill
Assistant Coordinator: Betty Plank

88

Siauh

The present bail system of Cook County negates
the principles of presumption of innocence, the
right to a fair trial, and due process for the poor,
and is a possible source of social alienation of the
innocent accused. A loss of employment income
may force families onto the welfare rolls with
the indignity and hardship involved, plus the
increased burden to the taxpayer who then
supports both the accused and his family until
the time of trial.

For the past eleven months, the Bail Task Force
has been directing its efforts to implementing
a more comprehensive release on a recognizance
program for those accused whose family, employ-
ment, or community ties indicate that they would
be good risks. Insufficient legal representation
and hurried bond hearings were the most
immediate factors contributing to the low
number of release on recognizance bonds set.

Members of the Task Forefe did extensive
research into the bail programs in effect in
various parts of the country and hundreds
of volunteers were enlisted to make observations
in our courts. Attempts were made to solicit the
cooperation of Judge Boyle, but he gave no
encouragement toward any change in the system.
Finally, after intensive observation and documen-
tation of proceedings in Holiday Court, when it
was found that on the average weekend bail
hearings lasted less than one minute and no
inquiry was made regarding the financial ability
of the accused, we were able to enlist the
cooperation of Chief Justice Eugene

Wachowski of the Municipal Division, who has
met with Task Force members every week to
discuss their observations of the previous
weekend. There has been a gradual slowing
down of the hearings and the judges have
become more attentive to the financial ability
and background of the accused in setting bond.

A Wieboldt Foundation grant of $8000 has been
received for a ten-week pilot program in which
legal representation will be available for each
person coming before the bench. Senior law
students will interview the accused regarding
their backgrounds, while Task Force
representatives will verify all possible
information to be presented to the judge.

On the first weekend the program was in effect,
almost all defendants were represented by
attorneys and almost all bonds were recognizance
bonds. The presiding judge said he was
"enormously helped" by the program, and
Judge Wachowski, who went to observe the
program in action, said that he was "very
satisfied."

These results are fulfilling the goal originally
set for the Task Force at the Alliance Council
meeting of April, 1970, and for which a sustained
struggle was carried on for eleven months. It is
hoped that the program may be expanded to the
other courts eventually.

Norman Boyden, chairman

4

89

A Political Trials Task Force has

signators for the ad's statement.

been formed by the Alliance in the

who will make contributions

wake of the two most recent politically

defraying the cost of the ad. Reprints

repressive indictments initiated by the

will be used to extend its educative

government: the Angela Davis and

value, since the community-at-large

Berrigan-Ahmad (Harrison 6) conspiracy

is ignorant, for the most part, of

indictments.

the underlying aspects behind

conspiracy laws in general and the

Seeing the need to focus on the

Davis-Berrigan conspiracy charges

repressive aspects of such indictments.

in particular. Fact sheets on both

the Task Force for the present will

cases are being formulated also.

not presume to judge guilt or innocence

and will be available for distribution.

in these cases. Instead, at this juncture.

A speakers bureau for the Task

it will attempt to point up the specious

Force is a likelihood also.

nature of government accusations

against the accused: the belief

Further plan; of the Task Force

that alleged "conspiracy" charges

will be to contact the news media

are simply more examples to be

to provide material for editorializing.

added to the history of usage of

enlist support of Chicago's newspaper

political trials in America.

editors, radio and television directors.

and obtain talk-show interviews.

Such conspiracy laws (patterned

There will be a "letters-to -the-

after British law dating from the

editor" campaign, encouraging

17th Century when Britain devised

Alliance members and organizations

such a scheme to put down ideological

to mail a barrage of letters to

foes of existing government) has been

Chicago dailies, attempting to further

variously put to use in this country

enlighten and clarify the issues. This

almost since its inception. Not

is the second time the Alliance has

much is popularly known about

convened a Political Trials Task

this phase of our history, and the

Force to deal directly and head-on

Task Force hopes to bring such

with repression as an instrument

knowledge to common light.

of ideological warfare conducted

by the government within our

The gist of the Task Force's intent

country. The first Political Trials Task

at this stage Is to suggest that such

Force, convened shortly after the

charges and trials (and by direct

Alliance was formed last year.

inference the Davis & Berrigan-Ahmad

successfully exposed Federal Judge

indictments) are a means of government's

Robson's "gag rule" which had

putting down, through castigation

silenced the Chicago 15 months

and defamation, leading dissenters

before their trial for burning draft

against governmental policy and

records. The ruling was overturned

action.

by the higher court.

nans are in the works for placing a

Dorothy Willey, secretary

full-page ad in a Chicago daily, with

Dorothy Willey is a volunteer worker

a general statement reflecting the

for Friendship House

above views. The plan is to solicit

5

90

The Legislative Task Force is in
process of building a permanent
coordinating structure based upon
Congressional Districts and State
Legislative Districts. Assignments
have been made for the 2nd, 4th,
5th. 6th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 13th
Districts to begin organizational
work in these areas. Coordinators
will be needed for^ll 15 Chicago
area Congressional Districts and
sub-coordinators for the state districts
which fall within them. At least
200 active legislative workers will
ultimately be needed to complete
the structure.

On a national level, there will again
be sharp struggles in the new Congress
to defeat repressive bills already
introduced, and pass several libertarian
measures. The most dangerous bills
in the last Congress which failed
passage - like the Defense Facilities
and Industrial Security Act - have
been re-introduced. In a renewed
drive to repeal the Detention Act,
25 senators and 112 congressman
have co-sponsored repeal bills.

On a state level. Senator Horsley,
chairman of the commission to

purportedly investigate "campus
unrest," has introduced a sheaf of
repressive bills. Other repressive
measures, and some positive ones-like
Sen. Newhouse's bill to repeal the
"stop-and-frisk" law - will require
action soon.

All persons interested in legislative
work, please send your names (with
your Congressional District and State
Legislative District indicated) to the
Alliance office.

Legislative Bulletins on federal and
state legislation will soon be issued.

A fact sheet on the Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee's report on
"subversion" in the Lincoln Park
area of Chicago's north side is available.
The SISS report is a serious attack
upon the right of dissent of many
community groups and churches
which have worked for programs for
poor people and minorities in the areas.

Dick Criley, secretary

Richard Criley is executive director of the
Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill
of Rights

1e§isltiii

The task force is looking into the

process of jury selectioh in order

to find out why our juries are predominantly

white, middle class and middle age. The

present system draws jurors from the

list of registered voters. This is

required by Illinois law, and can be

changed only by new legislation.

Tom PoinDexter has pointed out
two factors that mitigate against
adequate numbers of jurors from
black precincts. One is the relatively
higher mobility in the poorer areas
of the black community. The other
is the proportionately higher
numbers of " ghost" voters on these
precinct lists. A questionnaire sent
to either of these groups as their
names come up in the random
selection draws a "no return"
and an empty spot in the
geographical «epresentation.

We are therefore exploring all possible
ways of shifting from use of registered
voter lists to some more inclusive

source of names. The possibility

of using a combination of the print-outs

of the Internal Revenue Service and

the Cook County Department of

Public Aid lists for the zip codes

in Cook County is being investigated

by several task force members.

If it turns out to be practically feasible,

it will still be a formidable political

struggle to get it accepted.

In the meantime we are trying to
plug another gap in our knowledge.
Judy Mott is working to get a copy
of the rules laid down by the judges
of the Circuit court for the operation
of the Jury Commission. We are
moving toward a meeting with Judge
Ward. We also are asking all member
organizations in the Alliance to poll
their membership concerning their
jury experience.

Bob Mueller, chairman

Rev. Robert Mueller is pastor of the
West Side Christian Parish

6

91

The newly reconstituted and renamed Task Force
for Justice in Law Enforcement is now focussing
on two concrete actions:

1. Abolition of Corner's Inquest; substitution
of a Medical Examiner

Background: The Coroner's Inquest is an
un-needed holdover from ancient times,
duplicating the functions of the State's
Attorney. In practice it serves two
purposes — as an automatic white-wash
of police responsibility in cases where
civilians are killed, and as a reservoir for
political patronage jobs.
Its procedures are not bound by the rules of
evidence or due process, making it an
instrument for politically dictated verdicts.
The federal grand jury which investigated
the State's Attorney's raid which resulted
in the killing of Fred Hampton and Mark
Clark was particularly critical of the
performance of the coroner's jury, and
suggested its abolition. All four major
Chicago daily newspapers have urged that
this be done.

The Task Fores will seek introduction and
passage of legislation by the State Legislature
to abolish the coroner's office and substitute
a medical examiner, whose sole function will
be to determine the physical cause of death.

2. Investigation of Police raids

Background: On Jan. 21, 1971, the Sun-Times
carried a story outlining the substance of a
new police training bulletin on police raids.
It appears to make raids similar to that in the
Hampton-Clark killing a standing operating
procedure of the police department.
The question of the bulletin was taken up
before the Board of Police at its Feb. 11
meeting. Chairman KremI took the position
that since this was a purely "administrative"
matter, it should be taken up with the
Superintendent of Police. The Task Force,
while not agreeing that this is not the
responsibility of the Board, will now seek
an appointment with Superintendent Conlisk.
Further action will depend upon the outcome
of this meeting.

To implement these two actions, the Task Force
can now use a large number of active members
for a variety of jobs — research, observers
at coroner's inquests, liaison workers to contact
community organizations, and lobbyists.
A third action being planned will be directed
toward repeal of the Illinois "stop-and-frisk"
law. Sen. Newhouse is expected to re-introducs
a bill to abolish this repressive practice.

During the next month or so, members of the
Task Force on Judicial Accountability will visit
representatives of various organizations, bar
associations and law schools to describe the
project we're about to embark on — and also
to get their advice and help. The project will
involve intensive observing of judges now sitting
in the Criminal Division of the Cook County
Circuit Court, particularly seven or eight who
will be on the retention ballot in 1972. Data
will be compiled on their judicial practices, to be
used as the basis of a county-wide educational
campaign. '

The purpose of the Task Force is to create a sense
of accountability to the public by people on the
bench, and a sense of responsibility by those who
nominate, assign and supervise them. Our purpose
also is to encourage people and organizations to
take actions as citizens when their public servants
in the judiciary are not performing with fairness
and justice. We intend to give them hope that
something can be done.

We will focus on two or three of the judges who
are the most incompetent, the most unjust;
judges whose rules appear to be influenced by
dout, or money, or prejudice or whim; judges
who use their power irresponsibly. We will
document their inconsistencies and mount a
public campaign to get them off the bench.

ustice

H

aw

rce-
meiit

Tom PoinDexter, chairman

This project will involve the public in judicial
selection, and also take the process down
town to bring the people who assign judges
under public scrutiny.
The Task Force will begin by going to such
organizations as the Independent Voters of
Illinois, Independent Precinct Organization,
Committee on Illinois Government, Chicago
Bar Association, Cook County Bar Association,
Chicago Lawyers Guild, Chicago Council of
Lawyers, American Civil Liberties Union, and
the deans of the four law schools at the
University of Chicago, Northwestern, Loyola
and DePaul.

We will ask their advice on who to watch
and what to watch for. Judges have great
discretionary powers, and some judges
demonstrate glaring inconsistencies. We
need to find out what are the areas of power
that judges can abuse which are detrimental
to a defendant's human and civil rights. We
need observers to watch them every time they
are sitting through the spring and summer —
and to keep a diary.

Ann Seng, chairman

Sister Ann Seng is a staff member of the
Catholic Interracial Council of Chicago

J

92

BACKGROUND: ACADEMIC FREEDOM

Angela Davit, a 27— year— old Black scholar,
first became the object of wide-spread publicity
when her position as assistant professor of
philosophy at the University of California at
Lot Angeles vi/as challenged by Governor Ronald
Reagan and the University's Board of Regents.
Her membership in the Communist Party was
revealed in a hearing of the Subversive Activities
Control Board — a fact she readily admitted.
Over the objections of the UCLA student body,
the faculty and the administration, she was fired
in an unprecedented action by the Board of
Regents. Her suit contending that political
affiliation per se does not constitute lawful
grounds for dismissal is pending before the
California State Supreme Court.

As a contequence of the heated public
controversy. Miss Davis alleges that she
received a number of threats to her life.
She purchased firearms, and in February, 1970,
accepted the services of a volunteer bodyguard,
Jonathan Jackson, younger brother of George
Jackson, one of the "Soledad Brothers."

INVOLVEMENT IN THE CASE
OF THE "SOLEDAD BROTHERS"

Early in 1970, controversy erupted over murder
charges placed against three Black inmates of
California's Sol^ad Prison, who became
subsequently known as the "Soledad Brothers."
Their defense committee has charged that
virulent racial prejudice on the part of prison
authorities was at the root of the prosecution.
Miss Davit became actively and publicly
involved in the defense effort. When defense
attorneys succeeded in getting the trial moved
to San Francisco, the three "Soledad Brothers"
were transferred from Soledad to San Quentin
Prison in the Bay area.

THE ATTEMPTED KIDNAPPING AT
MARIN COUNTY COURT HOUSE

On August 7, Jonathan Jackson entered the
Marin County courtroom of Judge Harold
J. Haley, where the trial of a San Quentin
prisoner was in progress. He held up the

courtroom at gun-point, handed weapons
to the defendant, and to Ruchell Magee
and another prisoner wha'were present as
witnesses. Taking with them the judge,
district attorney and three jurors as hostages,
the four attempted to escape in a Ford van.
Jackson was alleged to have shouted as he
left the courtroom that the hostages would be
freed in return for the release of the "Soledad
Brothers."

Guards and police opened fire as the van
attempted to pull away. In the melee,
Jackson, two of the escaping prisoners and
Judge Haley were killed on the spot. Magee
and one juror were wounded. The coroner's
testimony stated that Judge Haley was killed
by two shots, both fatal, striking him simultan-
eously — one by a shotgun held by an escapee,
the other from a guard's rifle. The firearms
brought into the courtroom by Jackson were
traced to Angela Davis and a warrant was issued
for her arrest. She was apprehended in New
York City on October 13, 1970.

THE INDICTMENT: CHARGES AND
ALLEGED OVERT ACTS

The indictment charges Angela Davis and Ruchell
Magee with three felonies: (1) kidnapping with
the intent to hold hostages for ransom or
extortion; (2) the murder of Judge Haley; and

(3) conspiracy with the deceased Jonathan
Jackson and "persons unknown" to commit
kidnapping and murder, to escape by force and
violence from prison custody, and to rescue from
lawful custody the three "Soledad Brothers."

The overt acts charged against Angela Davis are:
(1) attendance at a rally for the freedom of the
"Soledad Brothers" in Los Angeles on June 9,
1970; (2) purchase of a Browning automatic
pistol In Los Angeles, Jan. 12,1968; (3) purchase
of a carbine in Los Angeles, April 7, 1969;

(4) purchase of a carbine in Los Angeles, July 25,
1970; (5) attempting to visit George Jackson in
San Quentin, accompanied by Jonathan Jackson,
Aug. 4, 1970; (6) accompanying Jonathan
Jackson to San Quentin when the latter visited
his brother, Aug. 5, 1970; (7) purchase of a
shotgun in San Francisco, Aug. 5, 1970;

8

93

(8) being in the vicinity of the Marin County
Court House with Jonathan Jackson on Aug. 6,
1970; overt acts (9) (10) (11) and (12) relate to
incidents of the kidnapping when Miss Davis was
not present; (13) taking a plane from San
Francisco to Los Angeles on the afternoon of
Aug. 7, 1970.

ANALYSIS OF THE EVIDENCE
PRESENTED TO THE GRAND JURY

Testimony to the grand jury establishes that
all of the purchases of firearms were made by
Angela Davis after providing identification
papers, date and place of birth, residence,
physical description and her signature.
When taking the plane to Los Angeles, she
identified herself and paid with a personal
check. Her support for the defense of the
"Soledad Brothers," however distasteful
to the California state administration, was
public and clearly within her rights under
the First Amendment. By itself, each of
the overt acts alleged was unquestionably
legal.

There is no evidence that she was in the
vicinity of the attempted kidnapping.
There is no evidence of any concealment
or subterfuge in any of her actions prior to
the issuance of a warrant for her arrest. There
is no direct evidence showing prior krtowledge
of the kidnap attempt or Intent to assist It.
The law requires that prior knowledge and
intent be proved beyond a reasonable doubt
and to the exclusion of any other reasonable
explanation for her actions.

SOME OTHER LEGAL QUESTIONS
IN THE DAVIS CASE

Under the California murder statute, any
complicity is subject to the maximum penalty
of death. Aside from questions of the fairness
of this law, why has the prosecution also found
it necessary to bring in the additional charge
of "conspiracy"? Is It because the conspiracy
law is a device which advantages the prosecution
when clear evidence of guilt is lacking?

What evidence is there that a conspiracy existed,
when the state is compelled to charge that
(other than the deceased Jonathan Jackson) it
consisted of "persons unknown"?

In the absence of any direct evidence of prior
knowledge and intent, did the grand jury have
probable cause to legally justify the Indictment
of Angela Davis? In the light of the lack of
evidence on the crucial Issue, can the court
legally refuse to permit her release on reasonable
bail or recognizance?

PREJUDICIAL TREATMENT
OF ANGELA DAVIS

While Miss Davis was being sought (prior to the
Issuance of the indictment), the FBI placed her
on the "Ten Most Wanted List", declaring her
to be "armed and dangerous." This received
nationwide publicity and appears highly
prejudicial to a fair and impartial trial.

While Miss Davis was Imprisoned in New York,
pending her extradition to California, she was
held in solitary confinement and denied all
ordinary privileges including access to reading
materials. Only after her desperate recourse to
a hunger strike were these special conditions
rescinded.

The record of her long struggle for the right to
teach at UCLA clearly establishes the prejudice
of California state authorities against her political
beliefs as a Black radical. Her removal from her
teaching post by the Reagan-appointed Board of
Regents had been widely condemned by the
academic and Black communities and appears
to violate California court rulings. Her exposure
of the deplorable, racist conditions in Soledad
Prison was embarrassing to the Reagan Admini-
stration. To what degree is the prosecution of
these criminal charges against Angela Davis
motivated by highly political considerations.

Will the record bear out the validity of Angela
Davis' statement (11/10/70) ?

"Ronald Reagan and the State of California
having first demanded my job because I
was a member of the Communist Party,
are now demanding my life. Why?
Net because I am guilty of the framed-
up charge for which there Is no evidence
whatever, but rather because. In their
warped vision, a person who is a
revolutionary is a priori a criminal/

—from Task Force on Political Trials
Harold Quigley, chairman

9

94

frm^^^

:l|SJf^

In England, a long time ago, when the
king wanted to get rid of somebody,
whenever a political disturber was in
someone's way, they brought into the
Star Chamber Court of London
a charge of conspiracy. The irrational
law of conspiracy is one of our least
admirable legacies from those long
ago times. We are not supposed to
have political trials in America,
but we have them, and when we do,
conspiracy inevitably surfaces as the
prosecutor's deadly tool. I define
political trials in the classical sense
as those where the fundamental
offense of the accused is their hostility
toward the existing political system.
We must ask ourselves why these
prosecutions are brought, and we
must think ourselves into a world
both strange and frightening.

The conspiracy prosecution of Dr.
Benjamin Spock, William Coffin and
others was a national disgrace. Its
genesis, its intended impact and the
manner in which it was conducted
degraded our system of justice.

Though the convictions were overturned,
there was no sign that those in authority
were learning any lessons. We couldn't
afford more such trials, but we could
anticipate them, and sure enough,
^long came the Chicago Conspiracy
Seven debacle - a real mess, a
reckless squandering of the legitimacy
of our legal order, lawless by that
legal order's own professed standards.

Now we have Angela Davis incarcerated
for conspiracy in California. And
Eqbal Ahmad, Father Philip Berrigan
and several other priests and a nun
indicted for conspiracy in Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania.

In accordance with our system of
jurisprudence, I assume all of these
to be innocent until proven otherwise.
I am not saying that because they are
being prosecuted under the law of
conspiracy, they are automatically

endowed with special qualities of
wisdom or innocence. I am saying
that the use of this ancient tool of
tyranny to prosecute them is
suspect, and I will try to explain why.

The workings of the law of conspiracy
are as mysterious to the lay mind as
the workings of Heisenberg's principle
of uncertainty. While an expert is
explaining it, there are glimmerings
of understanding, but an hour later
the understanding has turned to mist.
Defending oneself against a charge
of conspiracy is like finding an antidote
for a poison you cannot identify.

Take the word of experts. Supreme
Court Justice Robert H. Jackson
called conspiracy "that elastic,
sprawling and pervasive offense ...so
vague that it almost defies definition."
From a legal text book, we have the
pedantic opinion that "In the long
category of crimes there is none more
difficult to confine within the
boundaries of definitive statement
than conspiracy." An English
authority lugubriously informs us:
"No intelligible definition of 'conspiracy'
has yet been established." The
California legislature reduced the
whole question to absurdity by
describing the crime in terms of itself.
Says the California Penal Cole:
"Conspiracy defined: If two or more
persons conspire to commit any crime. . ."

A conspiracy, then, is a conspiracy.

Ever since the Star Chamber doctrine
of conspiracy was laid down in
1611, the essence of the crime lies
not in a crime committed, but in an
alleged agreement to plan a crime.
Thus conspiracy law relieves the
prosecutor of proving any actual
wrongdoing. As Clarence Darrow of
blessed memory phrased it, if a boy
steals candy, he has committed a
misdemeanor. If two boys plan to ^
steal candy but don't do it. they are
guilty of a conspiracy, a felony.

10

95

By virtue of this far-out reasoning,
conspiracy has long been the darling
of prosecutors bent on legally roughing
up union organizers, radicals, political
dissenters, opponents of government
policies, and assorted abrasive personalities
who could not otherwise be sealed
legally into a prison.

One of the earliest Star Chamber
outrages in America was the 1806
conspiracy case against Philadelphia
journeymen shoemakers. The court
ruled that because the journeymen
shoemakers went on strike for higher
wages, thus agreeing to "withold
their labors" from their masters, they
were guilty of criminal conspiracy.

Not until the days of the New Deal
did legislation put an end to using
conspiracy law as a lethal weapon
against labor unions.

Senator Joseph McCarthy's heyday
let loose a major revival of conspiracy
law. In 1948, the leaders of the Communist
Party were hauled before the bar of
justice, under the Smith Act, and
charged with "conspiracy to advocate"
the overthrow of the U.S. government
by force and violence. Mark you,
these defendants were not charged
with committing acts of violence;
they were not charged with advocating
acts of violence. Their sin was still
another step removed. They were
charged with conspiring to advocate
acts of violence at some unnamed time
in the future. And one by one, though,
by today's standards, a tame and mellow
lot, they were convicted. The slow
grindings of the appeals courts and the
Supreme Court eventually reversed
most of the convictions, but always
on technicalities. The fundamentally
odious doctrine of conspiracy emerged
unscratched.

The Rosenbergs, husband and wife,
went to their deaths, and Morton
Sobell was sentenced to prison for
thirty years, not as widely believed,
for espionage, but for conspiracy
to commit espionage. No proof was

~ever submitted that they actually
transmitted atomic secrets to the
Russians. To this day the Supreme
Court has declined to review their
cases.

When we lay people are initiated
into the implausible rites and mysteries
of conspiracy law, we feel that we
have been suddenly severed from all
preconceived definitions and notions
of how justice and due process are
supposed to work. Think then of
how it must feel tp be accused of
conspiracy, to find oneself all at once
stripped of many of the procedural
safeguards available to a defendant
in an ordinary criminal case.

Accusations of crime are normally
required to be specific as to time and
place. In conspiracy cases, the prosecutor
is allowed an exaggerated latitude.

Each accused member of a conspiracy
is automatically liable for the statements
and actions of every other member,
whether or not he is aware of what they
said and did.

The overt acts cited in a conspiracy indict-
ment may oe entirely innocent - a
telephone call, a social gathering,
a chance encounter. No matter.
A conspiracy may be proved by
evidence that is admissable only
upon assumption that a conspiracy
existed. In other words, the law is
stood on its head. The defendant
has to prove that he is innocent.

By the law of conspiracy, the vast
complexity of our times, the painfully
disjointed nature of reality, can be
reduced to banal repression. When we
cannot comprehend current events, or
do not wish to, we cry conspiracy. To
the extent that we are able, we must
work for an end to this cruel, tyrannical
resort to magic in place of justice. We
must penetrate the cheap allure of conspiracy
in our thinking and in our law.

Jack Mendelsohn, chairman of the Alliance

11

90

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"Most prisoners should not be in
prison; most prisons should not
exist." That was the claim heard
most often by the 70—90 people
attending a conference on prisons
February 5—6, sponsored by a
number of groups including the
AFSC, CADRE, Help for Imprisoned
War Objectors, and the Alliance to
End Repression.

The conference provided a forum
for letting ex-prisoners speak for
themselves, describing American
prisons from the standpoint of
those who know them best. All
agreed that prisons dehumanize
rather than rehabilitate, that
conditions inconceivable in a
civilized society are the norm, that
life in prison is the worst possible
preparation for life on the outside.
Parole boards are arbitrary,
ex-prisoners said, rewarding
dependent behavior which robs
prisoners of the self-reliance
necessary to function in society,
while ignoring factors such as
In-prison job training. Upon
release, prisoners are often given
a useless set of clothes and $50
on which to live while searching
for a job and waiting to be paid.
Then the authorities wonder why
so many ex-cons return so quickly.
EiTprisoners cited the relation
of racism to the prison system,
noting for instance the fact that
the percentage of blacks in Illinois
prisons has soared from 25% to 65%
in the last thirty years.
Various prison "reforms" also came
under attack. David Greenberg of

CADRE noted that the much-praised
California system of indeterminate
sentences results in longer sentences
and more prisoners, but no change
in recidivism or crime rate.

Afternoon workshops stressed a
number of attempts to secure legal
and human rights throughout the
prison and court system. Alliance
representatives described the Courtwatching
and Bail projects. Former prisoners
explained ex-convict-run efforts to
provide help and jobs for newly-released
men and women. A Black Panther
Party representative discussed their
transportation program for families
of men in downstate prisons.

A number of continuing projects
were discussed by participants.
Anyone interested in participating
or in receiving more information
can contact "Umbrella" (an orga-
nization coordinating prison-related
efforts) at AV 3-6262, David
Finke at AFSC, HA 7-2533, or
Dave Greenberg at 288-5235.
Dave Greenberg is also a contact
for groups wishing speakers or
panels from the ex-prisoners'
speakers' bureau. And, of course,
all related Alliance projects are con-
stantly in need of new participants.
The prison conference was held in
the Hyde Park L<nion Church.

Mike Stone

Mike Stone is a graduate student at the
University of Chicago Divinity School
and staff member of the Christian
Century magazine

CHKAGO SUN-TIMES, Man., Mar. 1, 1971
By Tom Fitzpatrick

Miss Jane Kennedy, 44, was once (he assistant director of
nursing for research and studies at Billings Hospital.

Now Miss Kennedy Is imprisoned in the Detroit House of
foirection in a maximum security cottaye reserved for in-
mates who are considered dangerous.

Miss Kennedy, who holds a master's degree from the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania and who has taught at the universities
of Pennsylvania and Kentucky and at Loyola University,

recently was awarded a new honor by the warden of the pris-
on.

"She's the most troublesome prisoner I've come in contact
with in more than 40 years," said Warden W. H. Bannon.

The Michigan parole board must shafe warden Bannon's
views. Recently, when Miss Kennedy came up for parole they
decided to deny her any relief from her indeterminate sen-
tence for another 18 months— a truly unusual holdover (or a
prisoner not charged with a violent crime.

Just what is it that Miss Kennedy has done? Why is she
considered such a dangerous person?

12

97

WELL, irS A FAIRLY LONG STORY, but it's an impor-
tant one.

Tlje Jaiie Kennedy story shows what happens to people who
put their lives on the line because they believe the war in
Vietnam is an evil thing and that it must be stopped.

It all began several years ago when Jane Kennedy went to
hear a lecture given by an anti-war priest.

"Go home tonight," the priest concluded," and ask yourself
what you have actually done to halt the war in Vietnam."

Jane asked herself that question and decided that she hadn't
done anything.

So she Joined a group that called itself Beaver 55. It included
seven others who wanted to do something about stopping the
war, no matter what the consequences might be to them-
selves.

THE GROUP TOOK PART in two anti-war actions. On Oct.
31, 1969, It raided an Indianapolis draft board and destroyed
all the 1-A files. A week later it went to Midland, Mich., broke
into the Dow Chemical Co. plant and destroyed computer
tapes on defoliants.

Five members of the group held a press conference in Mid-
land two weeks later— during Moratorium week — and ad-
mitted their part in the two raids. They were arrested imme-
diately.

Jane and her four companions pleaded guilty to the Dow
raid and were sentenced to serve from a year and a day to
four years. They were also convicted for the Indianapolis raid
and sentenced to four years each and ordered to pay $5,000
fines.

The second conviction is being appealed, but Jane is still
serving time in the Detroit House of Correction for the Dow
raid. >

Recently, Jane and her four companions went before the
parole board. David Williams, 20; Marty McNaniara, 21, both
of Chicago; Michael Donner, 22, of Midland, and Tom Trost,
37, of St. Paul, were granted their paroles and are about to be
freed.

Jane's parole was turned down and, as it stands now, she
must wait another 18 months before she will get another hear-
ing.

Why? Here's how Jane explained it in a letter to her brother
Philip, a member of the Alexian Brothers, a Roman Catholic
order, who is stationed here in Chicago:

"It is perfectly predictable in view of what is happening to
the Berrigans. (Philip and Daniel Berrigan, anti-war Catholic
priests, are brothers serving sentences for destroying draft
records.) It Is clear that there are nothing but political consid-
erations involved. . . .

"All of the inmates and many of the personnel were as-
tounded, because an 18 month flop is almost unheard of. As
one matron said, 'I couldn't figure out what you had possibly
done.' "

PERHAPS THE BIGGEST THING that Jane Kennedy had
done to show the parole board she was still "dangerous" was
to smuggle out a letter to the National Catholic Reporter tell-
hig of conditions in the Manon County Jail hi Indianapolis,
where she was held for 24 days before being shipped to the
Detroit House of Correction.

Jane's article, which appeared last November, brought
about a revocation of her rights to see anyone other than
immediate relatives. It also resulted hi a curtailment of her
right to send letters.

In her article, Jane described unsanitary conditions, poor
medical service, insufficient diet and arbitrary punishments
banded out to inmates solely at the whim of prison guards.

The publication of the article marked Jane as a force to be
reckoned with. She was obviously willing to rock the boat even
thought she was under the thumb of the very people who could
easily avenge themselves without anyone ever becomhig the
wiser.

JANE MUST HAVE KNOWN that prison authoriUes were
not going to be happy when she wrote, for example:

"Suddenly, unexpectedly, the Incredible newness of dan-
ger erupted into consciousness. Four women were called out
of the cellblock in rapid succession. About three dozen of us
remained hi the large dormitory area and waited for their
return.

"A half hour passed. An hour. Then murmurs.

"Then came a muffled scream from the bowels of the
prison. 'That's Penny I Shh, listen I They're taking them to
the hole.'

"At last our fears were confirmed. But why? What had
Oiey done? Until we learned the answer to itM questloo,
bow were we to guard against being sent to the hole for the
same unknowing offense7All that night we lived near the
abyss of the unimaginable."

Warden Bannon expressed his exasperation over Jane
Kennedy as a prisoner Simday afternoon.

"SHE'S ALWAYS INVOLVED in mischief here," warden
Bannon said. "She keeps telling everybody she's a political
prisoner. I've been in prison work more than 40 years and
I've never seen anything like her.

"Every time she's told something to do she always has to
ask why. She's like a lot of those people who want peace and
think they can tear up other people's property.

"Just the other day, she started a lot of trouble about die
dentist we have here. She said that the prisoners didn't like
the dentist and wanted a new one.

"It was her idea that they had a right to pick their own
dentist because he was working on their teeth. Well, that's
none of their business. We pick the dentist we want"

Warden Bannon said that Jane Is hi a way a symbol of the
things that are taking place in prisons today.

"In the old days we'd have people hi here who were strictly
murderers or robbers. Now we're getting these protesters In
and all they want to do is change things. Hell, they're sup-
posed to be prisoners and here they are trying to run things.
It's a lot of baloney."

Warden Bannon does admit, however, that Jane has a right
to feel badly about being passed over for parole.

"I can see her side of it," he said. "The other four men got
paroled out of Jackson prison and she's staying for another 18
months. I can see why she'd be a little mad. I would be, too.

"But that's the parole board's job. They do their own think-
ing."

According to letters sent by Jane, the parole board decided
to pass her over because she gave the wrong answer when she
was asked whether she would engage in similar actions In the
future.

"I talked about the fact that I didn't know If I would do It
again," Jane wrote, "and that I could make no promise not to
because it would depend upon what was happening in society.

"I told them that I wanted orderly social change but that
certain practices were totally unacceptable. Our killing one
another is wrong. All else is possible if life exists but notUng
(Is possible) If it does not."

It apparently was for this answer that the parole board
decided that Jane Kennedy was too dangerous to be released
from prison hi a free society.

13

98

Upon its formation, one of the first actions of
the Alliance was the filing of an amicus curiae
brief in the case of the Chicago 15 (anti-war
protestors who burned draft files in May, 1969)
As a result. Chief Judge Edwin Robson's
pre-trial "gag rule" imposed on the defendents
and their lawyers was overturned by the U.S.
Court of Appeals. We believe Alliance members
will be interested in knowing what has happened
to the 15 since their trial last May and June.

Of the eleven members of the 15 who appeared
for trial in the first week of May, 1970 (four
others — John Loll, John Phillips, John Pietra
and Tom Smit — had gone underground
previously), only seven remained for sentencing
In June. Judge Robson declared Ed Hoffmans,
32, mentally incompetent to stand trial and
ordered him to the federal medical prison at
Springfield, Mo., until able to be tried. Found
competent shortly after his arrival, Ed was
freed on bond Aug. 21. On Nov. 16, in
return for a sentence of three years and no
probation, Ed pleaded guilty. He began
serving the sentence Jan. 8 and is now at
the Sandstone, Minn., federal prison.

During the last week of the trial, three
defendents went underground. Linda
Quint, 23, and Nicholas Riddell, 40,
are still at large. On Dec. 17, Charlie Muse,
23, walked jnto the Seattle federal marshall's
office and turned himself in. On Jan. 8 Judge
Robson told him, "You are not deserving of
any mercy from this court." — and sentenced
him to 10 years in prison.

Seven other defendents received five year
sentences and are serving them in federal
prisons. Joe Mulligan, a 27 year old Jesuit,
Fred Chase, 26, from Detroit, and Chuck
Fullenkamp, 24, from Milwaukee, are at
Sandstone. Joe and Chuck work in the kitchen
and Fred is a baker. All were involved in a
strike last August over the wages paid prisoners
for their work, and did time in the hole and
lost their good time for that protest. Joe, who
is continuing his theological studies in prison
and even gave a sermon at Sunday Mass, went
up for parole in October and received a one
year set-back. Chuck (he's continuing his yoga
studies) and Fred have not gone up before the
parole board yet. Shortly after 24-year-old
Margaret Katroscik arrived at the federal women's
prison at Alderson, W. Va., her father died; she
was permitted to attend the funeral In Detroit
alone. Margaret teaches G.E.D. and also is

doing some art work. Appearing before the
parole board last September, she received a
ten month set-back to July, 1971. Bill
Sweeney's father also died shortly after
his arrival at the federal prison at El Reno,
Okla., and he too was permitted to attend
the funeral, but only with the accompaniment
of two marshals at a cost of $600 raised by the
Chicago 15 Defense Committee. In the fall,
he and Bill Durkin, both 21 and both from
Milwaukee, were transferred by a six-week
trip through various prisons to Ashland, Ky.
They went before the parole board in December
and hope to be released by January, 1972. They
both work in the educational unit at Ashland,
along with Ed Gargan, 20, who's been at
Ashland since July. Ed was interrupted in
his Chinese course by a Dec. 8 court appearance
in Madison, Wise, at which he pleaded guilty to
having refused to register for the draft when he
turned 18. On Jan. 5, he was sentenced to 15
months, to be served concurrently with the
five-year sentence. Ed went before the parole
board in October and received a set-back to
December of 1971.

The 15 may receive mail from anyone, although
there are restrictions on whom they write to.
If anyone would care to write to them, their
addresses are as follows:

Joe Mulliagn 8290
Fred Chase 8291
Chuck Fullenkamp 8282
Edward C. Hoffmans

Federal Correctional Institution

Box 1000

Sandstone, Minnesota 55072

William P. Sweeney 35869
William A. Durkin 35870
Ed Gargan 18436 M

Federal Correctional Institution

Box 888

Ashland, Kentucky 41101

Margaret Ann Katroscik

Federal Women's Prison

Box A

Alderson, West Virginia 24910

Charlie Muse will probably be sent to either
Danbury, Connecticut or Lewisburg,
Pennsylvania.

99

"America Is Hard To Find," the Berrigan Festival
recording of imprisoned poet Father Daniel
Berrigan, is being sold to raise money for
resistance movements in Chicago and the
Midwest. Father Dan recites some of his poetry
on one side. A Rock Mass is on the other side.
The record costs $5.00.

The money goes to such movements as the
Sandstone, Minn. (Federal Prison) Coffeehouse
Organizing Committee, defense and appeal funds
for the Chicago 15, Beaver 55, Minnesota Eight,
Pontiac Four and other resistance needs. To
order the record, make check payable to
SONS & BROTHERS and mail to Box 282,
Western Springs, III. 60558.

100

Political trials - guilty until proven innocent

Conaputerized data bank on 25 million Americans

Unequal justice without due process of law

Electronic eavesdropping

"No-knock" police raids • Preventive detention

Inquisitorial legislative committees

Concentration camps for Americans

The Alliance to End Repression -- offers a pro-
gram of action to reverse this trend toward a
police state.

1 IHi

Former Attorney General of the United States

Huron & Wabash

Parking lot: One block east of the Cathedral
CTA: Chicago Ave. subway station

Broadway and Michigan Ave. bus lines

Admission: $2.00 - Get tickets in advance

<snip>

101

]Mr, SouRWixE. I have a document which begins with a quotation
from Henry Steele Commager, it is identified as having been issued in
the summer of 1972. AVas that circulated generally, in Chicago, by
the Alliance to End Repression?

^Nlr. DoRNEKER. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. I offer this for the record.

[The document subsequently was ordered into the record.]

[The material referred to follows :]

60-030 O - 75 - 5

102

miiiiiiiGtii

iinii

■ILI IIIUUIUII

'Not since Senator Joseph McCarthy
whipped up popular frenzy against
the threat of Communism in high
places have we suffered an attack
upon oiir freedom as formidable
as that which is now underway.'

HENRY STEELE COMMAGER
Chicago Sun Times, March 19, 1972

SUMMES 1972

103

CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS
UNDER ATTACK

When a repressive government finds itself unable lo ;imend or repeal constitutional rights,
it can nevertheless create those circumstances that make it virtually impossible tor people
to exercise those rights. This systematic assault on freedom is repression. Rights become
meaningless.

RIGHT OF PROTEST

The Administration is trying to revive Uie moribund Subversive Activities Control Board
used in Joe McCarthy days hi hunt down political dissenters.

RIGHT TO KNOW

So essential in a democracy where government derives just authority only from an informed
people, this right is being eroded by Administration policies. The government has asserted
the right to examine the notes of reporters. The government has attempted to force one of
the networks to surrender its tapes on "The Selling of the Pentagon." In Illinois an attempt
is being made to repeal the Open Meeting Act which permits citizens to observe the pro-
cesses of their government.

TRIAL BY JURY

The Supreme Court has ruled that unanimous jury verdicts are not always necessary to
convict a defendant.

DUE PROCESS

The government has supported stop and frisk policies, unauthorized bugging, preventive
detention (locking up a "dangerous" person before he is found guilty) and "no knock" laws
(which permit police to raid without a search warrant). These policies negate the rights
of presumption of innocence, reasonable bail, freedom from illegal search and seizure,
all of which are an important part of due process.

104

ALLIANCE TO END REPRESSION

Tlie Alliance is a coalition of fifty organizations -- church, human relations, civil liberties,
and community -- working against REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION and a CRIMINAL JUSTICE
SYSTEM that disregards constitutional rights.

THE ALLIANCE TO END REPRESSION started in early 1970. The rising threat to
civil lilierties got us togetlier. The Conspiracy Trial was in progress. State's Attorney Ed-
ward Hanrahan's raiders had killed Mark Clark and Fred Hampton. President Nixon was
trying to appoint Hayneswortii and Carswell to the Supreme Court. There were too many
fires going on for the full time civil liberties agencies. A new quality of defense was needed •
a broad-based people's movement to reverse the trend toward authoritarian government.

We soon learned from tiie poor, tlie young, minorities and the dissenter groups who
came to us how deeply entrenched repression was in the whole process of legal and criminal
justice. So Task Forces were foraied to deal with these issues.

New Task Forces were formed as new issues became apparent and we could mobilize
the resources to work on them. Today tiiese include: Bail Reform, Prisons, Police-Commu-
nity Problems, Jury Reform, Political Trials, Media Repression, Repressive Legislation,
Reform of the Coroner's Office and Civil Rights in Cairo, Illinois. An ad hoc Task Force on
Surveillance is gathering information for a Federal suit against the Chicago "Red Squad. "
Anotlier one, educating the public on the repressive record of State's Attorney Hanrahan
will be in full swing tliis summer. In addition, the Alliance has scheduled an Organizers
Week til is summer to help train those in otlier cities to develop and organize similar opera-
tions to change repressive institutions in tlieir communities.

WHAT THE ALLIANCE HAS DONE

>

Our Cook County Special Bail Project has provided legal representation for tliousands
of indigent defendants, reduced the jail population by hundreds saving taxpayers thousands of
dollars each day. A criminology professor who has studied tlie project has said that it is
possibly the only part of tlie local cri innal justice systei.. tliat is working well.

We helped secure the repeal of tlie Emergency Detention Act of 1950. The repeal
autliorized the closing down of four concentration camps in tliis country.

And some other achievements of the Alliance to End Repression as noted in the
press:

"(Coroner) Dr. Toman announced plans for rehabilitating his office after the Alliance to
End Repression complained to the Cook County Board tJiat there are 'serious problems in
tJie Coroner's Office'. '

DAILY DEFENDER. November 17, 1971

"Coroner Andrew J. Toman merits applause for his plan to reform his office procedures
and seek legislation in Springfield abolishing coroner's juries in Cook County. The changes
closely parallel those proposed in a Northwestern University study and backed by the
Alliance to End Repression which wa.s also active in tlie bail bond reform movement."

Editorial. CHICAGO DAILY NEWS, December 22, 1971

105

"(Tlie Alliance to End Repression) niatli. a successful effort to convince the U.S. Com-
mission on Civil Riglits to hold hearings in Cairo, Illinois. "

(O

?

CHICAGO TRIBUNE, Mav 4, 1972 K.

CVJ

r-

"The Chicago Police Board voted. . . to make available to ilic public general orders and
regulations of tlie police department. . . Tlie disclosure policy was sought by the Alliance
to End Repression. "

CHICAGO SUN TIMES. February 19, 1972 l£)

o

CD

"The petition requesting the action (appointment of a special grand jury in Hanrahan/ Q

Panther case) was filed by tlie American Civil Liberties Union and joined by the Alliance CD
to End Repression. " O

DAILY DEFENDER, November 17, 1971 O

<

o

o
&5

'The Chicago Police Board has agreed to consider having a civilian work with the depart-
ment's Internal Affairs Division, which investigates police misconduct. Tlie board appointed
a subcommittee to study the suggestion which came from the Alliance to End Repression
at a board meeting Friday. "

CHICAGO DAILY NEWS, February 18-20, 1972

Z
"Another benefit (putting a civilian in die police department's Internal Affairs Division) JS

pointed out by the Alliance to End Repression might be improved relations between the ^

police and the black community. " OQ

Editorial. CHICAGO TODAY February 25, 1972 2

uJ
STYLE OF THE ALLIANCE S

. .support of its organizations ^

, .knowledgeable involvement at public meetings Q

.familiarity with laws Tfi

. litigation (f^

.cooperation with other organizations LU

.political education Q-

. carrying a project through to completion |Tj

.collective intelligence Q^

o

z

LU

Organizations wishing to join the ALLIANCE should contact cl
us or write for information ijj

o

z
<

Choirmon: ftEv JACK MENDELSOHN, F.fsT Un.tof-an Church of Ch.cogo Vic«-Choifmen: JOAN HOFFMAN. 57Th Street Meetmg of Fr.ends
ond REV ROBERT MUELLER. A'est S'de Chrisl<an PonsH, Secretory: MARY POWfR*! W^nnelko H^jmon Relations CommiTtee Treojurer;
NORMAN BOYDEN, Notionol Association of Socol Workers. Chicogo Chopter, Executive Coordmotof: JOHN J HILL, Atsoeiole Coordinator
BETTV PLANK. Steering Commitlcc: VANCE ARCHER III, Cook County Spec-ol Bail Proiecr, REV DAVID CHEVRIER, Wellington Avenue
Congregat.onol Church. MILTON COHEN. Civil Liberties Commission of the Independent Vote-s of Ill.no'S. RICHARD CRILEY, Chicago
CcmmiTtee to Defend the B-tl of Rights REV THOMAS CROSS, United Methodisf Board of Sociol Concerns. REV MARTIN DEPPE. United . .

Methodist Boord of Social Concerns. MAUDE E DeVICTOR. St Columbonus Cotholic Church, FRED E GL'CK. Alliance Pohce-Commun.tv \^

Problerps Tosk Force ELYNE HANDLER, Eth.col Humonist Society of Chicago. ROSS HARANO. Japanese Amencon Citizens Leogue, HERBERT
N HA2ELK0RN. 13fh District Politics for Peoce; WALTER HERRS. Coroners Inquest Task Force, JON KELLEY. Eost Gorfield Park Jomt
Plonn.ng Committee, VAL R KLINK. Civ. I Liberties Commission of the Independent Voters of Illinois SYLVIA KUSHNER. Chicogo Peoce ^^

Council, JUDI McARDlE, Cook County Speciol Boil Project, DAVID MEaDE, Editor, Allionce Open Letter RICHARD MENGES, Ook Pork

River Forest C.hzens Committee (or Human Rights REV PATRICK O MALLEY. St Jomes Cothol.c Church. HAROLD QUIGlEY, Ethicoi
Humonist Society of Chicago. WILLIAM SHAPIRO. Wilmetle Human Relations Committee EDNA WILLIAMS. United Front of Cairo,
BOBBETTE ZACHARIAS. Wmnetka Human Retotions Committee. Amencori Je*iih Coogreii

<snip>

TESTIMONY OF ADELLE NOEEN

Mrs. NoREN. My name is Adelle Noren, and I served as a delegate
from the Board of Social Concerns of the Northern Illinois Confer-
ence of the United Methodist Church, to the Alliance to End
Repression.

I was not a delegate because I wanted to be a delegate. I will tell
you how it happened. Someone placed my name in nomination to
serve on the Conference Board of Social Concerns. This was done with-
out consulting me, or obtaining my permission. I felt certain that be-
cause of my conservative stance, I would never be elected to this board,
which I considered to be extremely liberal. At the annual conference,
in 1972, however, I was elected.

Wlien I attended the first meeting of the Board of Social Concerns,
which is now called the Board of Church and Society, I was assigned
to the Human Relations Division. The chairman of the division at that
time was Reverend Harold "Bill" Smith of the Armitage Avenue
United Methodist Church in Chicago. This is the church that had been
taken over by the Young Lords, and where the former minister and
his wife had been murdered.

In the human relations division we were given a list of organiza-
tions with which this division was involved, and one of these organi-
zations was the Alliance to End Repression. When it became evident
to me that each person in the division would have a responsibility, I
volunteered to be the delegate to the Alliance, at least I knew some-
thing about this organization. A few minutes later I realized it was a
ridiculous thing to do, and I asked that my name be removed, that I
could not be the delegate. Reverend Smith asked me why, and I said
I was too conservative to be with the Alliance. He said he would not
remove me as a delegate because the Alliance had been in existence
for about 4 years and surrounded themselves with people who all
thought alike, and my presence might help clarify their thinking. I
had no choice, he would not remove my name.

This was a peculiar position for me to be in. I had been openly op-
posed to the United Methodist Church financially supporting the Al-
liance to End Repression, and had spoken out at the 1971 annual con-
ference about this. I had been concerned over what appeared to be a
tie-in with Communists and the Alliance to End Repression, which the
church was supporting, and had appeared on an hour-and-a-half radio
talk show on that subject in October, 1971.

I began attending Alliance meetings. Not too long after someone
gave me a copy of the Social Questions Bulletin, published by the
Methodist Federation for Social Action. This group has been cited as
a Communist front orgranization.

107

In this bulletin, dated October, 1972, 1 read the following :

Reverend William Baird, Executive Director of the Northern California Com-
mittee against Repressive Legislation, and Pastor of the Humanist Church in
Oakland told of his experience in getting 67 organizations in Chicago organized
in the Chicago Alliance to End Repression.

"He said it took 27 years to get it together. Our MFSA Vice Presi-
dent, Martin Deppe, was involved in this project. Chicago is the only
place in the United States where there is such an alliance. 'I was head:
lined in the Chicago Tribune as the Red Minister of Chicago.' Feeling
that the threat of a police state in the United States was very great,
the Alliance helped to get 50 anti-Daley delegates elected to the Demo-
cratic Convention. 'A Roman Catholic priest is chairman of the al-
liance ; a nun is secretary. We won't do anything unless w^e work with
the Gus Halls.' "

[Complete text of the passage referred to follows :]

[From Social Questions Bulletin, October 1972]

Rev. William Baird, Executive Director of the Northern California Committee
Against Repressive Legislation, and pastor of the Humanist Church in Oakland,
told of his experience in getting 67 organizations in Chicago organized in the
Chicago Alliance to End Repression ; it took 27 years to get it together. Our
MFSA vice president Martin Deppe was involved in this project. Chicago is the
only place in the U.S. where there is such an alliance. "I was headlined in the
Chicago Tribune as the Red Minister of Chicago." Feeling that the threat of a
police state in the U.S. was very great, the Alliance helped to get 50 anti-Daley
delegates elected to the Democratic Convention. "A Roman Catholic priest is
chairman of the Alliance, a nun is secretary. We won't do anything unless we
work with the Gus Halls. There was a discussion between Karl Barth and six
selected U.S. Communist leaders. Barth said, 'I am a Christian Marxist'. The
Communists replied. 'You are our brother.' What is your concern Angela Davis?
The Blacks? Housing? I took six months off from my job to work on the Angela
Davis case. I tried to get into the churches with the film about Angela, 'Portrait
of a Revolutionary'. Most of you weren't with her," Baird said to the Federation
members. "As far as you would go was to say she should get a fair trial. But
she, to you, had leprosy. She is a Communist."

This statement really confirmed my suspicion about the Alliance,
and so I called the Chicago Police Department and asked if there was
anyone there who was interested in the organization, the Alliance to
End Repression. The man on the phone said he would check and get
back to me. I was contacted by a member of the intelligence division
who said he was interested and would like to meet and talk with me. I
was so pleased to get this call because it was evident someone else
shared my concern.

It is appalling to me that the United Methodist Church would finan-
cially and vocally support an organization such as the Alliance to
End Repression when it is built on such a foundation. Perhaps the
reason for the initial support was that one of the founders of the
Alliance is Reverend Martin Deppe, a Methodist. Martin Deppe has
been connected with several questionable groups, such as the American
Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born, which has been cited
as a Communist front organization. He has served as vice-president in
the Methodist Federation for Social Action, also cited as a Communist
front. He is involved in Clergy and Laymen Concerned, a peace group,
and when participating in this organization's activities was arrested in
the Capitol rotmida ; and is on the Advisory Council of the Chicago
Committee to Defend the Bills of Rights, the Midwest affiliate of the
National Committee Against Repressive Legislation.

108

Mr. SouRWiNE. Can you tell us when and where the Methodist
Federation for Social Action was cited as a Communist front?

Mrs. NoREX. The Methodist Federation for Social Action was dis-
cussed in the Internal Security Committee of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, Handbook for Americans, April 23, 1956, page 91 and
referred to in the following manner :

With an eye to religious groups, the Communists have formed religious fronts
such as the Methodist Federation for Social Action.

Mr. SouRw^ixE. I wondered if it was this committee's statement that
you were referring to as the citation. Go ahead.

Mrs. NoREN. It may interest you to know that Rev. Martin Deppe
was just assigned to be the pastor of the church I attend.

I have documentation here on Alliance stationery to support that
Martin Deppe was one of the founders of the Alliance to End Repres-
sion. I am also submitting two brochures, their titles are identical, they
read, "A Democratic Society, or a Police State in America, which
shall it be?"

[The material was later admitted for the record, and are as follows :]

109

CmCAi, 111.60005
11126 42J-4G64

^

11 PGllGI Sl[

"We have seen all too clearly that there are men--now in power in this country
--who do not respect dissent, who cannot cope with turmoil, and who believe
that thepeople of America are ready to support repression as long as it is done
with a quiet voice and a business suit." --Mayor John V. Lindsay, April 2, 1970

Early in 1970 a group of leaders from civil liberties, religious, peace, ser-
vice and community organizations met to consider the problem of the growing
repression of constitutional rights. The concensus of this gathering was to
launch the Alliance to End Repression. Their statement declared:

"A democratic society or a police state in America -- which will it be?

We are reaching a turning point in the road. X-.ife and death issues -- war, the

draft, the destruction of man's environment, a racist heritage of inequality

and injustice, economic dislocation, urban decay--have generated vast peoples'

movements for social change.

Li contrast, government inertia has hardened to unyielding resistance...

We believe the trend toward repression, national and loc.'il, adds up to a stcp-

by-3tep process of treating a police state.

We believe this totalitarian diri-ction can be rcversod. Wi- .ue confident that

our society possesses the resources to solve its problems if people are free

to seek creative programs."

In the few months of its existence, the Alliance to End Repression has brought
together a multitude of organizations, reaching from the Black and I^atin ghet-
tos to the affluent suburbs, to join in actions to meet the thrusts of repression.
Task Forces of the Alliance are dealing with a variety of problems, including
police lawlessness, reforin of the bail system, restrictive judicial rulings,
and repressive legislation.

no

iimm smiicii!

1) A Council, consisting of a delegate and alternate froni each organization, meets
the second Tuesday of each month as the highest decision-making body. Each org-
anization is entitled to one vote.

Z) The staff consists of a full-time Executive Coordinator, Rev. John Hill, and an
assistant. Miss Betty Plank. A Steering Comxaittee, which includes the Executive
Coordinator, Task Force Coordinators, member s -at-large, and officers, serves
as the executive body.

3) The major work of the Alliance is carried on by Task Forces, made up of rep-
resentatives of cooperating organizations.

4) Major actions and public statements will be made in the name of the groups which
agree on the statement or action, with the Alliance acting as coordinator.

5) Membership is open to all organizations committed to the principles and objec-
tives of the Alliance, and which have a viable constituency and program.

6) Affiliation fees are the chief source of funding the Alliance office, based upon
the income and ability of constituent groups to contribute.

Ill

HERE ARE SOME ACTIONS OF THE ALLIANCE

The Alliance has launched some major initiatives
and has already contributed to significant vic-
tories. Here are some highlights:
BAIL. REFORM: Unfair and unconstitutional bail
practices in Cook County constitute a major
source of repression, particularly in the Black,
Latin, and other poor communities.
As an immediate response, the Alliance is col-
lecting monthly sustaining contributions of $25
and up for a bail fund administered by the Co-
alition for United Community Action.
More long range, the Alliance is developing a
bail reformproject to establish a comprehensive
system for the administration of a release on
recognizance program. In cooperation with law-
yers' groups, provision is being made for free
legal representation in the bail hearings.
REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION: The "Defense Fa-
cilities andlndustrialSecurityAct of 1970" (H.R.
14864), perhaps the most far-reaching repressive
bill in Congress, was brought to public attention
throughout the country by the Legislative Task
Force of the Alliance. Support was given to the
repeal of the Emergency Detention Cannp Act.
The area of work is being enlarged to deal with
repressive provisions in the pending anti-crime
bills -- preventive detention, "no-knock" sear ch-
es , etc. -- and with state legislation.
THE COURTS: In the aftermath of the raid upon
the Black Panther apartment in which Fred
Hampton and Mark Clark were shot to death,
the Alliance initiated a public cannpaign for the
appointment of a special prosecutor to deal with
violations of the law by the police and State's
Attorney. The Alliance brought tog-ether 67
organizations in a petition to the court, as other
groups took similar action. The result was the
court order empowering Barnabus Sears to act
in this capacity.

Earlier, twelve organizations brought together
by the Alliance joined in an amicus brief chal-
lenging the "gag rule" imposed on the defendants
in the Chicago 15 trial. Later, the 7th Circuit
Court of Appeals vacated Judge Robson's order.

112
STATEMENT OF PURPOSE BY THE FOUNDERS OF THE ALLIANCE

At this moment, a qualitatively new in-
itiative is needed to defend our freedoiiio
and stop repression. Toward this end,
we propose the building of a unified, in-
clusive, action-oriented alliance of org-
anizations of many kinds to: >.4

1) place the defense of our basic free-
doms as a top priority;

2) focus public attention on each r-najor
incident of repression, interpreting it in
the light of many other such instances in
order to make the emerging pattern of
repression clearly visible;

3) develop the material and or ganization-
al power and resources to deal with re-
pression at every level; and

4) enlist the support and commitment of
large numbers of people, including inaay
who until now have been passive.

Organizationally, we seek to create a
flexible framework which will permit
each organization to inaintain its identity
and autonomy, to deal with such issues
as it chooses, without, however, sacri-
ficing the ability of the Alliance to act
quickly and decisively.

This structure is intended to serve as a
center for coordinated action, evaluation
of priorities, and exchange of relevant
information and educational resources.

113

ALLIANCE TO END REPRESSION

431 SOUTH DEARBORN STREET • CHICAGO. ILLINOIS 60605 • ROOM 1126 • (312) 427-4064

New: 22 £, Van Buren * Chica3o, 111 60b05

September 22, 1971

Dear Mr.

Forgive this long delay in acknowledging your August 4 letter
and for your contr ibut ion, „ liany thanks.

We thought you'd be interested in our Open Letter which tells
a good bit about the work we do; it is enclosed.

If you were at the Ann Arbor meeting, I hope you got to
talk to {'iartin Deppe. He was among the founders of the
Alliance and is scill active.

I ar.i going to have to get an upto^idate map of the United
States. tony other cities are getting interested in
how we got started and our format. I was just wondering
if you are near two friends of ours who just moved to
California. Jan had been very active here--especia Uy
on our bail project and, I know, hoped to find a similar
way of working in California. Are you near: Mr and
Mrs. Tom Honore (she is Jan), 1138 11th St., Santa
Monica?

<snip>

To: Delegates and Guests 1972 Democratic Convention

Civil liberties and rights are currently under massive attack by the Nixon Administration. It
is in today's repressive atmosphere that the break-in and attempted bugging of the
Democratic National Committee Headquarters in Miami has occurred. The incident is only
one indication of the extent to which democratic freedoms are in jeopardy.

A growing federal "Big Brother" is probing into the personal lives and political activities of millions
of Americans. A Senate sub-committee found that the names of U.S. citizens appear 2.8 billion
times ill government files; the average citizen probably is in the files of at least a dozen agencies.

The U.S. Army has been "spying" on civilian activities for nearly 10 years, and has a "subversive
file" of 25 million Americans - one out of eight citizens. Otto Kenier and Adlai Stevenson of
Illinois are among these millions, as well as other prominent liberals. The Civil Service Commission
has a "blacklist" of 1.5 million; the Passport Office has a "subversive" file of over 200,000; the FBI
maintains \'^4 million sets of fingerprints, and no one knows the details of its political surveillance.

REPRESSIVE LAWS & INQUISITORIAL COMMITTEES

In addition, a whole series of laws which repress basic democratic rights have been enacted in recent
years; for example, authorization for expanded wiretapping and sun'cillance, for "no-knock" entries
into people's homes by police officers, for jailing of "special dangerous offenders" up to 25 years in
addition to normal sentencing, and the undercutting of the Fifth Amendment right to freedom
from self-incrimination.

First Amendment rights to freedom of speech and political associations continue to suffer under
attacks from the House Internal Security (former Un-American Activities) Committee, the Senate
Internal Security Subconnnittec, the (so-called) Subversive Activities Control Board, and other
Inquisitorial Committees.

The present Supreme Court, with four Nixon appointees, can no longer be expected to safeguard
civil liberties. Already the Nixon Court has eroded a number of basic legal rights. Up to. during, and
after the coming elections, it is essential that the Congress and the people work to repeal repressive
laws, outlaw bugging and sun'eillance, and abolish thought-control committees.

Without such an effort, our country Ls headed towards a police state. This brochure is prepared by
the National Commitlec Against Repre?isivc Legislation. Our program for legislative .iction is inside.
Tliese proposals were presented to the Democratic Platform Committee on June I 2.

116

Restrictive Laws that Should be Repealed

The Subversive Activities Control Act (Public Law 81 - 831; Title 1. Amended in 1968:

Public Law 90- 237. Extended by President Nixon's Executive Order 11605 on July 2,
1971)

Note: This is the surviving remnant of President Nixon's original proposal as a member of HUAC in 1948
(Mundt - Nixon BiU), finally to become the Internal Security Act of 1950. By unanimous decision of the
Supreme Court (11/15/65), and several subsequent decisions, the original law was held to be
unconstitutional and unenforceable. Likewise, the 1968 effort to revive the SACB was held by the Courts
to be "Contrary to the first amendment." In addition to the Act's inherent violations of the 1st
Amendment and constitutional strictures against Bills of Attainder, President Nixon's recent Executive
Orderhas been challenged for its violation of the separation of poers, in usurping Congresional prerogatives
to enact legislation. On June 15, the Senate voted 42 - 25 to cut off all funds for the SACB; the House had
voted $450,000 for the agency on May 18. The issue is pending before a conference committee of the
House and Senate, probably to be decided following the Miami Convention, Legislation: House Judiciary
Committee Chairman Emanuel Cellcr and Abner Mikva have introduced S 2466, to deny funding and
implementation of FO 1 1605. Meanwhile, the House has approved (246 — 125) t lie House Internal Security
Committee's HR 9669, to change the name of the SACB, vahdate the Nixon Executive Order, and give new
powers to the SACB.

The Wire - Tapping and Electronic Surveillance Law, embodied in the Omnibus Crime
Control and Safe Streets Act of 1969 (Public Law 90 - 351, Title 111).

Note: Since passage, the Courts report 622,292 tapped conversations of 61,400 people, exclusive of
national security bugs that are unreported. According to an analysis prepared for the American Civil
Liberties Union by Professor Herman Schwartz, "the percentage of convictions per people overheard is so
s.iiall as to be virtually de minis." Legislation: none yet introduced: in drafting repeal legislation, care
should be exercised to preserve statutory safeguards which have been previously enacted.

The No - Kifbck Laws of the D.C. Court Reform & Criminal Procedure Act of 1970 (Public
Law 91 - 358, Chapt 5, Siibchpt VI) and the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and
Control Act of 1970 (Public Law 91 - 513, Title 11, Pt E, Sec 509).

Note: These violate 4th Amendment guarantees to the people against unreasonable searches and seizures.
Originally patterned for only the District of Columbia, it was subsequently made apphcable to all Federal
jurisdictions. In practice, the law has invited sloppy poUce and detective work, resulting in several break-ins
on innocent parties with resultant injuries to both pohce and "wrong parties." Legislation: None yet
introduced.

The Anti - Riot Act of 1969 (Public Law 90 - 284) 18 U.S.C., Sees 2101 - 2102), which
classes as a "conspiracy" interstate travel with the intent to organize a demonstration , here
to be constnied as a "riot."

Note: Former Attorney General Ramsey Clark refused to prosecute under this law, charging that the
statute was unconstitutional and would not "really reduce riots in the Llnited States." Former Attorney
General Jolin Mitchell used the law in a number of controversial cases and indicated that it would be used
further if pending constitutional challenges could be successfully surmounted. Legislation: Rep. John
Conyers, Jr. introduced appropriate repeal bill in 91st Congress: HR 1 1567 (5/2/69)

<snip>

November 14, 1972 — Alliance Council Meeting — Program, Citizens Alert

Joe Kestenbaum reported on the use of force. Why are so many civilians killed
by police in Chicago? Chicago's record is much worse than other cities. Blacks
run six times the chance of being killed by police than whites. During the 196&-
1970 period, 76 civilians were killed by police. This information was gathered
from news stories as the police department doesn't talk about such statistics.
Charges were ofiicially filed on only 4 of these killings— there was one conviction.
One of the reasons for this might be inadequate psychological screening of oflScers
by the Police Department. Information is hard to get on the activities of the
Internal Affairs Division (IAD). Their job is to investigate the conduct of an
ofiicer. A civilian or a policeman can file complaints with IAD.

It is felt that the lack of punishment of policemen is actually an encourage-
ment for them to continue in their ways. The level of community trust is low.
It is risky to file a complaint with IAD — sometimes the person filing the com-
plaint is arrested — sometimes there is retalliation by the police. The Coroners
Ofllice is a political office with political pressures. In the above mentioned 76
killings by the police of civilians, one was charged with murder, one with man-
slaughter, and there were 65 cases of justifiable manslaughter. The Coroner is not
inclined to go against the police. The Police Task Force goes into communities
and uses physical and mental force against the residents. If the Police Depart-

119

meut ill Chicago kills more civilians than any other city, it stands to reason they
are proportioiuiteiy worse in other ureas as well.

Barbara Caultield reported ou Law Suit concerning discrimination in hiring.
In the hiring of officers the written exam does not relate to the job. The physical
exam eliminates many applicants — heart murmers, overweight or underweight,
with no opportunity given for the candidate to bring his weight in line with
Department reciuirements. The height requirement is responsible for eliminating
many of the minority applicants. In regard to the tests for Promotion, no tests
have been validated. We suspect the test doesn't relate to promotion. No copy of
the tests are available for examination. Character — minorities are put upon by
the department. If you wish to tile a Federal 8uit you do not have to notify IAD.
The City settles out of court ou damages less than $1,000. If enough people filed
suit for less than .$1,000 it might make the City wake up and keep the Police
in line so they wouldn't have to pay out so much money.

Fred Click, Chairman of Citizens Alert, talked about the Police Board. He
told about Alliance pressures in attendance and questions at the Board meetings.
President of the Police Board is now Marliu Johnson. Morgan Murphy was the
former President and apparently he couldn't take the Alliance pressure so re-
signed for the reason of poor health. However, since Johnson took his place as
President, Murphy has attended every meeting in apparent good health. The
Alliance feels their pressure caused him to resign.

John Hill said that the Chicago Civil Service Commission meets every Wed-
nesday at 2 p.m. The Alliance would like 4 or 5 people to attend each week just
to let the Commission know that the citizens care. The Commission should
have public meetings according to the law, but they have no meeting. The Al-
liance will put pressure on them just as they put it on the Police Department
until they hold public meetings.

John Hill then introduced Bobby Rush of the Black Panthers. Rush reminised
that the Panthers were one or the groups who were present when the Alliance
was in its forming period. He said the Police do not serve or protect the Black
community. He spoke of Community Control of the Police Department. A neigh-
borhood committee should be set up with a representative on each block. They
would circulate petitions and leaflets, serve as a reception center for grievances
against Police and they would conduct monthly workshops. The community
should have the right to hire and tire Police.

November 18, 1912 — Alliance to End Repression Fund Raising Dinner. Speaker,
Renault Robinson of the Afro-American Patrolmen League.

Crime is on the increase. Employment of police is on the increase. Inefficiency
in police work in minority communities is because of discrimination. There is
a lack of communication — there is a language barrier. The customs of these
people are not familiar to the police working these areas. For example, in a
Black community it may be the custom for the husband to beat up his wife
every Friday night — the police step in and arrest him because they think he is
doing something wrong — not just carrying out a custom of his people. Wife
beating may be a life style in some areas. Police are not advised of life styles in
communities to which they are assigned.

Crimes against some people are more important than crimes against other
people. A missing person in a black community gets very little attention from
the police. It depends on who you are, the amount of concern given by the
police.

Richard Criley introduced Don Rose, a man who worked very hard for the
election of States Attorney Bernard Carey.

January 197S — A phone conversation I had with Val Klink, attorney working on
laivsuit against the Red Squad

Val told me the Chicago Police Department has a very complex surveillance
apparatus that is a group of men known as the Subversive Activities Unit of
the Intelligence Division, popularly known as the Red Squad. They have a
lot of color coded unprocessed information that is immediately retrievable. The
Police Department doesn't have any evidence in these files that could indict or
prosecute anybody. They are not really investigating criminal activities, they are
investigating peaceful assemblies of people. We fear that once informatien is in
a dossier it is available on a 24 hour a day basis. A credit company can get
information. In Washington there is the House Internal Security Committee.
They have files on 750,000 Americans and their file is searched 500 times a day
by the U.S. Civil Service Commission. We suspect the information in their files
comes from local law enforcement agencies. This could make it very difficult
for somebody to get a government service rating or a job later on. He said he

120

wouldn't be surprised if the Illinois and Chicago Civil Service Commissions
checked out people in these files, and this would mean that if anyone wanted
to be a policeman or a fireman and have a file against them, they might not
get the job. There is no law that says the Civil Service Commission cannot
search these files. We wonder if credit ratings have non-financial material in
them. A credit company can get information, like about somebody who is in-
volved in a peace group. AVe are not sure this is happening, but no one say its not
happening.

We are interviewing a lot of people and a lot of organization for this lawsuit—
those \^ho feel that their privacy has been invaded and we have 15 of our
people who have been trained in this thing by a lawyer. We are going through
this material to see where the hard stuff is that can be admissable as evidence
and create a strong case for us.

<snip>

June 7, 1973 — Police Board Meeting

Ruth Wells said that the citizens need good intelligent police on the streets
patrolling their communities and that assigning Renault Robinson to patrolling
an alley was not making use of his talents. She felt his assignment was punitive
action because he speaks out on ways to improve the situation in Chicago.

Jim Johnson, president of the Confederation of Police, got up and said that
the alley to which Ruth Wells referred has been a patrolled area for a number
of years. This was not a job created for Renault Robinson.

<snip>

July 2, 1973 — Citizens Alert Strategy Meeting

Dick Criley read a list of questions prepared by Val Klink regarding the
Red Squad that should be read to the Police Board. Val felt that an organiza-
tion other than the Alliance should do the ground work on this and that the
Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights was the logical one. The
questions :

1. Was the only change in the General Order that of changing the word
SUBVERSIVE to SECURITY?

2. Was this a change in name only? Is the work they are doing just the
same as before?

3. Was there a change in personnel?

4. Is there a change in the funds they use?

5. Is the mission still the same?

6. Could you tell us what constitutes a security threat?

7. Would this be a physical or a political threat?

8. Can a person or organization who has a file with the Red Squad have the
opportunity to examine the file to correct any inaccurate information the
Red Squad may have? This is done in other groups where files are held,
such as credit, etc.

9. If the Red Squad has a file on a person or organization and they then
decide that the person or organization does not constitute a threat, is the
file then destroyed?

These questions will constitute the opening of the whole thing. These questions
will be presented in writing to the Police Board and we will wait until the
next Board meeting to see what reply they have. During the month, however,
final preparations will be made to file a suit right after the Board meeting.

John Hill has contacted Wieboldts who gave $10,000 to Citizens Alert at
the first of the year, and asked if they could give any more. Wieboldt said they
may consider it but they did not want to be the only group funding Citizens
Alert. Wieboldt has asked for an accounting of how the $10,000 was used. They
also asked if Citizens Alert had raised the $2,000 they said they would raise
for their own work. This has not been done. Citizens Alert has actually gone
into debt because if they didn't, Ruth Wells would no longer have her job.

July 5, 1978 — Police Board Meeting

Dick Criley spoke in regard to Rule 71-11, the Security Section, saying he
represented the Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights and asked the
questions listed above. He gave a list of these questions to President Johnson.

President Johnson replied that the Supt. of Police had left the meeting so I
will ask him that he answer these questions next time. Some cannot be answered.

Ruth Wells asked, "Is the assignment of police officers fever used fes a
punishment?"

Johnson replied, "No, but we will ask the Supt. to make this statement a part
of his report at the next meeting."

Dick Criley said, "It appears that Renault Robinson was being punished by
being placed in an alley assignment."

Johnson replied, "As we have said before, we will make no comment on
individual cases."

<snip>

February 7, 1974 — Citizens Alert Meeting

Mary Powers gave a report on activities in Milwaukee. She said that the
Police Chief in Milwaukee was holding that job "for life" and that people in
the community were very disturbed about the police dept. And so a meeting was
held involving community groups, churches, etc., and many John Birchers showed
up and tired to take over the meeting. Mary Powers led a workshop and it was
attended by 14 to 16 John Birchers and she was afraid to talk too much and tell
what organizations she belonged to. These Birchers were all from the suburbs
around Milwaukee and really shouldn't have been at the meeting at all. She in-
dicated that the Alliance had been asked by groups in Milwaukee to help with
this meeting.

John Hill stressed the importance of concentrating our work in the local Police
Districts, through police community workshops, etc. We really have to find out
what is going on in the communities.

Cedric Russell of The Woodlawn Organization, and a member of Congressman
Metcalf's staff said this was right, this is the only path to get what we want,
community control of the police. No one disagreed with him.

Discussion regarding the need for a research person in Citizens Alert. John
Hill said that Citizens Alert had $30,000 to work with this year. This i>erson is
needed to compile information for Ruth Wells which she can distribute to con-
cerned people in communities all over Chicago. LEAA has a central information
center now and you can either write or call them and get the answer to anything
regarding police. The research person would gather information from other cities
and take these statistics and compile them into information that would be
meaningful to Chicago. It is anticipated that the work would require one day
a week at this time and the pay would be about $85.00.

March 5, 1974 — Meeting at Congressman Metcalf's office of Committee to select
a Research Person for Citizens Alert

The job should be to establish a data bank regarding police department and
police department reform. Subjects such as crime, employment, complaints, etc.
Newspapers should be read and clipped and filed and made available to Ruth
Wells at strategic times. A person should also keep track of community meetings
and advise Ruth Wells which ones to attend. This person should also make calls
to community organizations to get acquainted.

125

Cedric Russell, and perhaps others are going to insist on an answer to minor-
ity hiring practices in the police department when the Police Board next meets.
The Equal Employment Opportunities Commission had asked for an accounting
from the I'olice Dept. and this was due last November. The Police had asked
for an extension but no one knows if EEC granted this extension. Pressure will
be brought to bear at the Police Board meetings.

<snip>

May 16, 1974 — Citizens Alert Meeting

Val Klink said that the Red Squad suit would be filed at 9 a.m. on June 4. A
press conference would be held at the Alliance offices at 10 a.m. It is hoped that
there will be discovery into dossiers, a sampling of dossiers and the content,
to leam just what these dossiers are being used for, how the information is
funnelled out and to whom. It is hoped that the suit will result in restrictions
and changes in the Red Squad.

There was an expression of supreme confidence in this suit, no hesitancy, no
indecision, no question of the impact it would have on surveillance by the Red
Squad. They fully expect concessions and compromise from the Police Depart-
ment. They fully expect success. This suit is timely because of Watergate. It will
be bringing Watergate home to the City of Chicago.

<snip>

Septemtier 19, 197^ — Citizens Alert meeting

Discussion of the Police Board meeting. Concern was expressed regarding the
use of excessive force. They said they would get in touch with Casey who is one
of three in the Office of Professional Standards. The use of pressure has helped
some cases of excessive force being sustained.

The Police Dept. Budget was also discussed. Citizens Alert wants to have open
hearings on the budget and to receive copies of the budget well in advance of the
hearings. The Police Board said they would consult with the corporation counsel
to see if this was proper under the law. Fred Glick said he had talked to Presi-
dent Marlin Johnson on the phone a while back and asked him about seeing
the budget in advance. Johnson indicated he would show it to Glick and a few
others some evening on the quiet. One year ago the AER started a law suit to see
the budget and have hearings, but before they case came up the subject was
moot because the budget has already been passed. Now the plan is to file suit
right after the budget is passed to insure advance copies of the budget and public
hearings for next year.

ILEC funding was discussed. Ruth Wells, John Hill and Fred Glick met with
ILEC on Monday of this week. ILEC said they needed more specifics which Citi-
zens Alert was glad to supply. It appears that the $30,000 will be given to Citizens
Alert.

Mr. SouRwiNE. I am sure people will read it. Now, let me go back
just a moment. You spoke of an officer named Eobinson who could not
speak because — how do you know that's why he couldn't speak; did
he say so ?

Mrs. NoREN. Fred Glick, chairman of Citizens Alert, told us this at
the meetinjg;, as I have submitted in my notes. We came to the meeting
and Renault Robinson was going to speak, he had some very important
things to give us. Renault Robinson came in at his lunch break, in uni-
form. When he spoke he made some very unimportant comments, and
he left the meeting. Then Fred Glick said, "The meeting is now ad-
journed, but I would like the board to remain."

So, the board remained, and when everyone else had gone and the
door was locked, he said, Renault could not give his talk because there
was an undercover agent in the room.

Mr. SouRwiNE. All right, go ahead. I wanted the record to speak
clearly on this.

Mrs. NoREN. I am also submitting a tape recording of the Police
Board meeting which took place April 10, 1975. This meeting went
completely out of control and Ruth Wells of Citizens Alert told me that
the president of the police board Marvin Johnson, blamed Richard
Criley for inciting the people to this kind of action.

You may be interested to know that the Alliance to End Repression
tapes all meetings of the Chicago Police Board. I made this tape from
the Alliance tape, which was given to me by Ruth Wells. But I cannot
help but wonder if the Alliance would permit a uniformed police officer
to tape Alliance meetings.

<snip>

As you read over my notes you will see that the Alliance is often
talking about lawsuits. The red squad suit, which is mentioned over
and over again, was finally filed late last year 1974. There was a suit
regarding discriminatory hiring practices in the Chicago Police De-
partment. And as I underetand it, the Alliance did the groundwork on
this, and then got the Law" Enforcement Assistance Association in on
it. LEAA then published a report, and the end result was that the
Justice Department — and I believe LEAA prior to the Justice Depart-
ment — filed a suit. The last sentence of my October 17, 1972, notes shows
that the Alliance stepped out of the case once they got the Justice
Department involved.

Mr. SouRwiNE. These notes, were they kept currently by you day by
day?

Mrs. NoREN. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are furnishing them all to the Committee ?

Mrs. NoREN. Yes, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Go ahead.

Mrs. NoREN. ITnder consideration, according to my notes of June 27,
1974, there was a law suit being considered by the Alliance against the
city of Chicago and its patronage system. Here again, there is a special
interest regarding the police department. And on September 19, 1974,
there was a discussion of a law suit against the police department to
hold public budget hearings. In addition, the notes from March 19,
1973, indicate involvement of the Alliance in a law suit regarding the
Lucas case. There are, from what I understand, other suits in which
they have been involved, but I don't have personal knowledge of them.

According to August 29, 1974 and September 19, 1974, these are
meetings on those dates — it appears that the Illinois Law" Enforcement
Commission gave $30,000 to Citizens Alert. Doesn't all this money
come from LEAA, as I imderstand it does? Is the State or Federal
money being used to file law suits against the Chicago Police Depart-
ment ? If it is, I think this should be investigated.

One of the things that bothers me are the accountability sessions
which the Alliance requested of the superintendent of police. It is not
so much that the Alliance makes these requests, but that they are
granted by the superintendent. It is my opinion that the Superintend-
ent has enough work to do rumiing the department without being
held accountable to a group of people w"ho seem determined to harass
the Department.

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is the superintendent a satisfactory person to hold
his job, in your opinion ?

Mrs. NoREN. I greatly admire the superintendent.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you think he personally made the decisions to
grant these requests to w-hich you object?
Mrs. NoREN. I would assume so.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Then why do you criticize him ? You want to run his
job, too?

Mrs. NoREN. No.

Mr. SouRwixE. What you are saying, then, I take it, is that the re-
quests should not have been made, that they amount to a harassment.

128

Mrs. NoREN. I think from the point of view of the Alliance, and
what I know, they were there to harass the superintendent.

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. All right. Do you think the superintendent made a
mistake in granting the requests?

Mrs. NoREN. That's my personal opinion.

Mr. SoTiTRwiNE. What does that have to do with the subject of the
hearing here, do you think we need a new superintendent ?

Mrs. NoREN. No, sir.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Why did you bring it up, what's your purpose ?

Mrs. NoREN. The purpose is that the Alliance is holding the sessions
with the Superintendent; they also plan to hold accountability ses-
sions with about seven other people, and they have made arrangements
for this. They also plan to hold accountability sessions with each of
the 22 districts in Chicago, and at some point you've got to call a halt.
My own feeling is the halt should have been called immediately.

Mr. SouRwiNE. You think the superintendent made a mistake. Is
there any way to rectify it now ?

Mrs. NoREN. I think the word "no'' is a simple way.

Mr. SouRWiNE. It has been done, he has granted the sessions. You
think he should now stop holding them, is that the point ? That's what
vou are advising him to do ?

Mrs. NoREN. I have never had an opportunity to talk to the super-
intendent, but maybe, if he reads this, he will see how a citizen feels.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Maybe he will. But this committee is not a forum for
the giving of advice to the police superintendent of Chicago. Now, go
ahead with your testimony, please.

<snip>

Mr. DoRXEKER. Yes, sir, one more item. The Socialist Workers
Party is a coplaintiff in the lawsuit against the intelligence division
of the Chicago Police Department. The lawsuit was filed by the Al-
liance to End Repression. On February 19, 1975 certain remarks were
contained in the Congressional Record and in part they state that
James Cannon, who is the Socialist Workers Party founder wrote
a thesis on American revolution. In part it said:

The hopeless contradiction of American capitalism, inextricably tied up with
the gut agony of world capitalism are bound to lead to a social crisis of such
eatastropic proportions as will place a proletarian revolution on the order of
the day. The revolutionary vanguard party destined to lead this tumultuous
revolutionary movement in the U.S. does not have to be created, it already
exists, and its name is the Socialist Workers Party.

He goes on to say:

We are not for reforming of the capitalist police force, we stand for its com-
plete dismantling and abolition.

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, this of course is the Communist position, that
the Socialist Workers Party is a Marxist party. And by way of
comment, that isn't a new thing that we should have intelligence
activity. Much of the publications and publicity of those who are
harassing the police make it sound as though this is something new,
a recently developed invasion of citizens' rights. The fact is, we
wouldn't have had any battle of Bunker Hill if it hadn't been for
the excellent intelligence of the Committee of Patriots and Sam
Adams' people. When they found out the British were going to oc-
cupy Bunker Hill, they decided they would occupy it first; that's
how the battle of Bunker Hill, or Breed's Hill, came about.

It might not hurt if we stress some of these facts, that you can't
run any kind of a law enforcement operation, any more than you
could any kind of a war, or any kmd of a revolution, without
intelligence.

And the enemy — and subversive organizations are the enemy —
seeks to eliminate intelligence by this law and order side through
its harassment of the police department. I didn't mean to testify as
a witness.

<snip>

149

Chicago Police Department). The objective was : To obtain all information possi-
ble in regard to the identity of individual agents and their respective account-
ability in the chain of command of the Chicago Police Department ; determine the
locations of Red Squad 'fronts', or, specifically, administrative and operational
control centers of overt and covert units of the Subversive Section of the Intelli-
gence Division, and the ultimate goal of the task force being to control and limit
the operations of the Red Squad until the eventual elimination of the unit.

On November 13, 1974, the Alliance To End Repression filed a law suit against
the Intelligence Division of the Chicago Police Department in Federal Court.

The latest activity in support of the Alliance's anti-Intelligence Division en-
deavor was support and participation in a, "Rally and March, End Police Spying
and Police Harassment 1 Abolish the Red Squad." Other sponsors of the rally
included Socialist Workers Party, Young Socialist Alliance and the Communist
Party USA. (exhibit #21)

<snip>

May 15, 1970

"The search of the youth today Is for ways and means to make the
machine — and the vast bureaucracy of the corporation state
and of government that runs that machine — the servant of man.

"That is the revolution that is coming.

"That revolution — now that the people hold the residual powers of
government — need not be a repetition of 1776. It could be a
revolution in the nature of an explosive political regeneration. It
depends on how wise the Establishment is. If, with Its stockpile
ol arms, it resolves to suppress the dissenters, America will face,
I fear, an awful ordeal."

JUSTICE WILLIAM 0. DOUGLAS

Concluding statement of his book, POINTS OF REBELLION,
cited by Congressional opponents seeking hia Impeachment.

<snip>

A Constitutional Analysis of HISC's iVla. ^ute

Excerpts from review by:

THOMAS I. EMERSON - Professor of Law, Yale University

Tho npw man Jste r.iakos no substantitive changes in the Jurisdiction or powers of
the former Committee on Un-American Activities.

Tho new formulation of tho Committee's lurisdiction is subject to the same con-
stitutional objections as previously. It empowers the Committee to investigate
areas where Congress Is forbidden by the First Amendment to legislate.

Tho Committee's area of inquiry Is not limited to the use of force or violence or
other unlawful methods. It covers all forms o( political activity, legal as well
OS illegal. Indeed, it Is not limiled to action at all. It Includes nli forms of speech,
assembly, or other expression.

The mandate expressly provides that nil the records of the Committee on Un-
American Activities arc transferred to the Committee on Internal Security. Thus
the bureaucracy devoted to compiling dossiers on the opinions and association of
millions of Americans will persist and continue to expand.

The Committee on the Judiciary can perform all functions necessary to assure Iho
Internal security of tho United States.

<snip>

Exhibit No. 8
The Alliance to End Repression

From : John Hill, Executive Coordinator.
To : Council delegates and others.
Subject: September 1972 progress report.

October Council Meeting Will lie Postponed One Week to Tuesday, October 17
at 7 :30 PM, Alliance Headquarters — 22 East Van Bureau

AGENDA WILL INCLUDE ANNUAL ELECTION OF OFFICERS AND STEERING COMM.

Report of Nominating Committee, Joan Hoffman, Chairperson ( Note : Addi-
tional nominations may be made from the floor.)

NOMINATIOJS'S AND IDENTIFICATIONS

Chairman: Rev. Jack Mendelsohn (First Unitarian Church of Chicago)
rice-Chairman: Rev. Robert Muller (Westside Christian Parish) and Barbara
England ( Wellin^on Ave. Congregational Church )

Secretary: Milton Cohen (Civil Liberties Commission, IVI)

Treasurer: Dr. Herbert Hazelkorn (10th Gong. Dist. Politics for Peace)

♦High school.

172

steering Committee: Mary Powers (Winnetka Human Rel. Comm.) ; Vance
Archer (Hanrahan Task Force) ; Richard Criley (Chicago Comm. to Defend the
Bill of Rights) ; Fred Glick (American Jewish Congress) ; Elyne Handler
(Ethical Humanist Society) ; Walter Herrs (Chicago Commons Assoc.) ; David
Meade (West Suburban) ; Bobbetee Zacharias (Winnetka Human Rel. Comm.) ;
William Shapiro (Wilmette Human Rel. Comm.) ; Yal R. Klink (Civil Liberties
Comm., I VI) ; Julie Jacoby (Prisons TF) : Doris Plicks (Cook County Sp. Bail
Project) ; Robert Camacho (Citizens Alert) ; Frank Quinn (Hyde Park Peace
Council) ; Rev. Francis McGrath (Assoc, of Chicago Priests) ; Edward Schwartz
(Nat'l Lawyers Guild) : Joe Kestnbaum (Citizens Alert) ; Charles Gray (Lawn-
dale Peoples Plamiiug & Action Conf. ) ; Pat Dodson (Citizens Alert) ; Roland
Sibrie (Sacred Heart Church) ; Helen Mum (Women's Infl. League for Peace &
Freedom) ; Betty Gallery (Winnetka Human Rel. Comm.) ; Harold Quigley
(Ethical Humanist Society).

LEAA REPORT CONFIRMS DISCRIMINATION IN CHICAGO POLICE DEPARTMENT

Recent major report of the Justice Dept.'s Latv Enforeement Assistance Admin-
istration confirms with detailed statistics the past charges made by the Afro-
American Patrolmen's League and the ALLIANCE. While the proportion of
sworn Black police personnel is less than half the percentage of Blacks in the
general population, the disproportion increases according to rank. Proportion of
Blacks according to Civil Service rank follows: (note — 10% of Chicago residents
are Black) Patrolmen, 187o ; Sergeants, 10%; Lieutenants, 4%; and Captains,
1%.

The disproportion of persoris of Latin-American descent is even greater. Dis-
crimination is getting worse, not better. Only 10% of those accepted from the
current eligibility list were Black. In disciplinary actions taken, Dept. initiated
complaints against Blacks were proportionately double those against white
officers.

CHICAGO CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION A ROADBLOCK TO EQUAL EMPLOYMENT

The LEAA Report showed that elimination of Black and Latin-American
aspirant.s for promotion and job applicants occurs primarily at the level of the
Civil Service administered examinations. The report found that there was no
demonstrable relationship between police performance and the tests given for
patrolmen. Other reforms in addition to elimination or major changes in patrol-
men's tests include independent monitoring of all tests, immediate report back
with duplicates of graded papers and other measures to minimize the possibility
of a "fix" based on political clout. Implementation of LEAA recommendations to
Civil Service Commission, Chicago Police Board and other agencies will be
priorities for Citizens Alert & the Alliance.

OPENING ILLINOIS PRISONS TO PUBLIC SCRUTINY

Jack Mendelsohn, John Hill and Julie Jacoby of the prisons task force met
with Robert Howard, Illinois Dept. of Corrections to set up the agenda for a
larger group meeting with Peter Bensinger, 111. Director of the Dept. Chief item
for discussion will be the ALLIANCE initiated proposal for a citizen committee
with access to state prisons. Twenty-eight organizations have written Mr. Ben-
singer urging adoption of this proposal. Has your organization acted yet? Please
send your letter to the Alliance for presentation in person to Mr. Bensinger.

OVERHAUL OF PROBATION SYSTEM URGED AT COUNTY BOARD

The Alliance's Illinois Prisons and Jails Project appeared before an August
meeting of the Cook County Bd. of Commissioners to urge a massive reform of
the county's probation services, which are among the mo.st inadequate in the
country. Board President George Dunne recommended that a special budgetary
hearing he held and wrote the TF's Julie Jacoby that this would be the appro-
priate place for detailed recommendations to be made. The most effective imme-
diate "prison reform" is to keep more people out of them. Here are some budfirot
facts on why the county and city justice systems don't work very well:

Chicago Police Dept. budget, $221 million.

Local jail & prison budget, .$12 million.

Chicago patrolman's pay, $13,000 per year.

Probation office budget, $1.2 million.

173

Public defeuder budget, Ifl.S million.
Public defender attorney, $10,300 per year.

LATEST TRIBUNE POLL SHOWS HANRAHAN SLIGHT LEAD OVER CAREY

While the trial of Edward V. Hanrahan et al. for conspiring to obstruct justice
in the fatal raid on the Black Panther apartment continues, polls show Hanra-
han Still has a small lead over Republican-independent challenger Bernard Carey
for election to post of Cook County State's Attorney. The Alliance's si)ecial task
force is showing a 25-minute documentary jQlm on the raid and its aftermath to
any and all interested organizations. Recent showings include the Ethical
Humanist Society, the Friendship Club and student groups at Chicago State
University. How about a showing to your next meeting? (For booking, call
939-675)

NATIONAL legislation: HISC DEFEATED IN HOUSE/ "bUSING" BEFORE SENATE

In a frantic effort to blackout news from independent sources visiting North
Vietnam which expose U.S. bombings of dikes and civilians, the House Internal
Security Committee attempted to rush through a modified peacetime treason stat-
ute imposing penalties of 10 years and $10,000 for "unauthorized" visits to Hanoi.
The HISC bill, HR 16742, was approved on 9/25/72 after 45 minutes of hearings
which heard no opposing witness, for which Congressman Drinan, though a com-
mittee member, was not notified. The bill was rushed to the House floor under a
suspension of rules for action on Oct. 2, a day on which few Congressmen were
expected to be in Washington, Emergency calls across the country were made
by the National Committee Against Repressive Legis. and the ACLU. Because
of the suspension of rules, a 2/3 vote of approval was required. This failed by
some 17 votes, 230 for, 140 against. Illinois congressmen voting NO were Ander-
son, Annunzio, Findley, Gray, Mikva, Murphy, Price, Rostenkowski, Yates ; Met-
calfe and Collins were paired against. HR 16742 may reach the House floor
through regular channels late in the session .... The so-called Equal Educational
Opportunities Act (HR 13915) is expected on Senate floor 10/6/7. Opponents of
this segregationist piece of legislative bigotry may filibuster. Nixon strongly sup-
ports passage.

ALLIANCE FINANCES REMAIN CRITICAL

John Hill and Betty Plank are still owed several thousand in back salaries and
face possible payless pay-days again. Are you a monthly sustainer for the Alliance
and/or do you know someone who might become one? The ALLIANCE will spon-
sor another supper on November 17th at Chicago Theological Seminary, with
Afro-American Patrolmen's League president Renault Robinson as the featured
speaker. Tickets are a $5.00 donation, and will be available shortly and at the
Council meeting.

Reminder: Has your organization distributed the ALLIANCE'S report on Cairo,
111. ? Have you or your organization written Governor Ogilvie and Dan Walker?

Chadmian: Rev. Jack Mendelsohn, First Unitarian Church of Chicago

Vi-ce-Ch airman: Joan Hoffman. 57th Street Meeting of Friends, Rev. Robert
Mueller, West Side Christian Parish

Seoretary: Mary Powers. Winnetka Human Relations Committee

Treasurer: Norman Boyden, National Association of Social Workers, Chicago
Chapter

Exeoiitive coordinator : John J. Hill

Associate coordinator : Betty Plank.

Steering committee: Vance O. Archer III, Cook County special bail project;
Rev. David Chevrier. Wellington Avenue Congregational Church ; Milton Cohen,
Civil Liberties Committee of the Independent Voters of Illinois ; Richard Criley,
Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights; Rev. Thomas Cross, United
Methodist Board of Social Concerns ; Rev. Martin Deppe, United Methodist Board
of Social Concerns ; Maude E. DeVictor, St. Columbonus Catholic Church ; Fred E.
Click. Alliance Police Community Problems Task Force : Elyne Handler, EJthical
Minority Societv of Chicago: Ross Harano. Japanese American Citizens League;
Herbert N Hazelkorn. 1.5th District Politics for Peace : Walter Herrs. Coroner's
Inquest Ta-sk Force ; Jon Kelley. East Garfield Park Joint Planning Committee ;
Val R Klink Civil Liberties Commission of the Independent Voters of Illinois ;

60-030 O - 75 - 10

174

Sylvia Kiisliner, Chicago Peace Council ; Judi Mcarole, Cook County Special Bail
Project ; David Meade, Editor, Alliance Open Letter ; Richard Menges, Oak Park-
River Forest Citizens Committee for Human Rights ; Rev. Patrick O'Malley, St.
James Catholic Church ; Harold Quigley, Ethical Humanist Society of Chicago ;
William Shapiro, Wilmette Human Relations Committee ; Edna Williams, United
Front of Cairo ; Bohbette Zacharias, Winnetka Human Relations Committee.

<snip>

Exhibit No. 11
fFrom the Congressional Record — Extension of Remarks, Feb. 6, 1975]
Reds Pbepabe Anti-Chile Lobby

Hon. Larry McDonald of Georgia, in the House of Representatives,
Wednesday, February 5, 1975

Mr. McDonald of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, as part of ttie international campaign
to bring down the anti-Marxist government of Chile, the Communist Party,
U.S.A., has focused its efforts on pressuring Congress to cut off all forms of aid
to Chile. I wish to draw my colleagues' attention to this campaign and its
background.

On February 8 and 9, 1975, the Second National Conference in Solidarity with
Chile will be held at Concordia Teachers College in the Chicago suburb of River
Foi'est. This solidarity conference was organized by the National Coordinating
Center in Solidarity with Chile — NCCSC — a project of the Communist Party,
U.S.A. — CPUS A — and its local affiliate, the Chicago Committee to Save Lives in
Chile which is run by CPUS A stalwart Sylvia Kushner from the offices of the
Chicago Peace Council, yet another CPUSA front group.

The primary purposes of the conference, as indicated in the conference call,
are to raise money from "progressive Americans" to "assist the resistance," to
discredit the covert activities of the Central Intelligence Agency by "making use
of the revelations relating to Chile" ; and to "stimulate considerable support in
the U.S. Congress for legislation helpful" to the Marxists.

The conference call, printed by Prompt Press, which has served for more than
three decades as the "in-house" printer for the Communist Party and its fronts,
states :

"Now is the time to consolidate and increase these efforts in Congress. During
the next year it is our special responsibility, as U.S. citizens, to press for cutting
off all sales and all military and economic aid to the junta, a measure of great
strategic and practical importance to the anti-fascist forces in Chile. (Emphasis
in the original)."

Let me remind my colleagues that the so-called anti-Fascist resistance in Chile
is composed of the Chilean Socialist and Communist Parties together with several
other Marxist parties and movements which were the Popular Unity coalition.
Chile's Socialist Party was characterized in testimony before the House Internal
Security Committee as "more extremist or leftist" than the strongly pro-Soviet
Communist Party with which it has worked in close alliance for the past 20 years.
The Popular Unity coalition used their warm relations with Fidel Castro to
import weapons to arm private, Communist paramilitary forces, including the
terrorist MIR — Movement of the Revolutionary Left — headed by Salvador Al-
lende's nephew, in preparation for a coup.

The non-Marxist government brought charges against many members of the
Popular Unity coalition for crimes related to that planned takeover, including
the diversion of government supplies and property and embezzlement. Many of
the detained Marxists have now been expelled from Chile.

Communist Party literature has made clear the importance placed by the world
Communist movement on the international campaign against the anti-Marxist
Chileans.

Party Affairs, a confidential Internal publication of the CPUSA, in April 1974,
published a directive from the CPUSA International Affairs Commission to all
members which said :

"Join and work with local Chile Solidarity Committees in your area wherever
possible and work to ensure support for the Chilean struggle in your work center,
your mass organization and your community."

Last July the NCCSC held a National Legislative Conference on Chile and
People's Lobby, in the words of Party Affairs —

"To inform and involve Congressional leaders, to demand investigations of
the U.S. role in the coup, to immediately cut off all forms of aid to the junta,
and to urge that the U.S. open its borders to Chilean refugees."

The International Affairs Commission further ordered all Communists to
"continually exert" pressure on Congress.

Regrettably, I see the names of three of my colleagues in the House on the
list of sponsors of this Communist Party project.

The sponsors of the Second Chile Solidarity Conference have for the most
part been drawn from the CPUSA hierarchy, and from such CPUSA fronts as

181

Trade Unionists for Action and Democracy — TUAD — which coordinates the
penetration of trade unions and rank-and-file movements ; the National Alliance
Against Racist and Political Repression — NAARPR — which is active in the
civil rights and prison movements ; the National Lawyers Guild — NLG — legal
bulwark of the Communist Party ; the Emma Lazarus Clubs and the Venceremos
Brigade, now also a party controlled operation.

Other sponsors haeve been drawn from CPUSA-controUed or influenced labor
unioni^. often through the TUAD, such as the International Longshoremen's
and Warehousemen's Union — ILWU ; Local 1199 of the Drug and Hospital
Workers ; the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers ; and the Amalga-
mated Meatcutters. And an additional group represent various Marxist-Leninist
and Marxist organizations allied with the CPUSA in the Chile solidarity
campaign. Among these groups are the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, the
People's Party, New American Movement, and the Socialist Party.

Among the better known admitted or identified CPUSA members sponsoring
the call are John Abt, CPUSA general counsel ; Herbert Aptheker, central
committee member ; Lucille Berrien ; Fred Blair ; Anne and Carl Braden ;
Joseph Brandt ; Archie Brown, former national committee member ; Bert
Corona ; Angela Davis, central committee member ; Ernest DeMaio, international
vice president of United Electrical Workers ; Abe Feinglass ; John Oilman ;
Charles Hayes ; Sylvia Kushner ; Charlene Mitchell, central committee member ;
Amadeo Richardson; Roque Ristorucci : Jack Spiegel; James West; and Helen
Winter, secretary of the CPUSA International Affairs Commission.

The complete list of sponsors follows :

John Abt, Esq., New York City.

Harry Amana, journalist, Philadelphia Tribune.

Herbert Aptheker, American Institute for Marxist Studies.

Ramon Arbona, First Sec'y. I'.S. Section/Puerto Rican Socialist Party.

Max Aragon, Vice President, Local 26, ILWU.

Gilbert Badilla, Sec'y. -Treasurer United Farm Workers, Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

Tony Baez, Puerto Rican Communitv Ind. School, Milwaukee.

Nick Ballas, Field Dir., Dist. 48, AFSCME, AFL^CIO.

James Barret, professor, Marquette University.

Bay Area Trade Unionists Com. for Chile.

Norma Becker, War Resisters League, New York City.

Louise R. Berman, San Francisco.

Lucille Berrien, chairwoman, Milwaukee Alliance Against Racist & Political
Repression.

Fred Blair, chairman. Community Party of Wisconsin.

Edmund Bobrowiscz, but, agent Local 248, Amal. Meat Cutters & Butcher Work
of N.A.

Harding Bond, president. Local 248, Amal, Meat Cutters & Butcher Work, of
N.A.

Edward Boorstein, author. New York City.

Anne & Carl Braden, Southern Institute for Prop, and Organizing.

Edward Bragg, Vice president, Local 1199, Drug & Hospital Workers.

Joe Brandt, Korea Focus.

Charles Briody, form. Nat'l. Chmn., Peoples Party.

Archie Brown, Executive Board, Local 10, ILWU.

Rev. John P. Brown, Ecumenical Peace Institute Berkeley.

Father Frank Buismato, Center for Peace & Social Justice, San Francisco. .

Gene Byrnes, Casa Maria, Milwaukee, Wise.

CALA, Madison.

Marion Calligaris, Trade Union Action & Democ. Chicago.

Humberto Camacho, Field Organizer, Local 1421, UERMW of America.

Joan Campbell, Assoc. Director, Greater Cleveland Interchurch Council.

Ward H. Cann, Dist. Chairman, Div. of W^orld Peace, United Methodist Church
of R.I.

Anthony J. Capizzi, S.J., Director, Campus Ministry, St. Joseph's College.

Prof. Fred J. Carrier, American Korean Friendship & Information Center,
New York.

Anthony J. Cascone, Rec. Sec, Local 87, United Steelworkers of America.

Ernesto Chacon, Director, Latin American Unit for Civil Rights, Milwaukee.

Juan Chacon, Local 890. United Steelworkers of America.

Rev. Benjamin Chavis, Commission on Racial Justice, United Church of
Christ.

182

Treasurer, National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression.

Chicago Citizen's Comm. To Save Lives in Chile.

Paul Chown, President, Dist. 10, UERMW of America.

Rev. Peter Christiansen. First Unitarian Church, LA.

Mary Clarke, Women's Strike for Peace, San Francisco.

Prof. James D. Cockroft, Rutgers-Livingston, New Brunswick, N.J.

Johnnetta B. Cole, Nat'l. Comm. Venceremos Brigade.

Robert E. Cole, New American Movement, Amherst, Mass.

Walter Collins, Exec. Dir., Southern Conf. Ed. Fund.

Common Front for Latin America, Washington, D.C.

Virgil Connins, Sec'y.-Treas., Local 216, UAW.

Marvel Cook, Nat'l. Legal Defense Fund.

Coordinating Committee for a Free Chile, Denver, Colo.

Bert Corona, organizer, C.A.S.A., Los Angeles.

Eleanor Grain, U.S. -Cuba Health Exchange.

Irving J. Crain, MD., Amer. Acad, of Psychoanalysts.

Sara Cunningham, Actors Equity Association.

Angela Davis, co-chairman, Nat'l. Alliance Against Racist & Political Repres-
sion, Communist Party, USA.

Admiral Dawson, Delegate, Los Angeles Co. Federation of Labor.

Father Mark Day, Los Angeles.

John Deckenback, Assoc. Exec. Dir. Joint Strategy & Action Comm., San
Francisco.

Angelo Deitos, President, Local 78, UAW.

Ronald V. Dellums, Member, U.S. Congress.

Ernest De Maio, Chicago Commission of Inquiry In Chile.

Arsh Derbabian, Field Rep., Michigan Federation of Teachers.

Susan Duncan, Coordinator, L.A.P.A.G., Austin, Texas.

Ecumenical Peace Institute, Berkeley, Cal.

Dr. Eugene Eisman, professor, Univ. of Wisconsin.

Norman Eisner, New York City.

Joan Elbert, Clergy & Laity Concerned, Chicago.

Emergency Com. To Save Chilean Health Workers, New York City.

Fair Trials for Chilean.

Political Prisoners, Corvallis. Ore.

Richard Fagen, President, Latin American Studies, Assoc, Stanford Univ.

Stanley Faulkner, Nat'l Lawyers Guild, Committee for Justice in Chile.

Abraham Feingla-ss, Int'l V.P. Amal. Meat Cutters & Butcher Work of N.A,
Chicago Comm. of Inquiry in Chile.

Joe Figueirido, Bus. Agent, Local 6, ILWU.

Ann Law Finch, Local 2345, APGE.

Charles Finch. New American Movement, Durham, N.C.

Leon Finney, Woodlawn Organization, Chicago.

Mons. James B. Flynn, Chairman, Comm. on Social Justice, Catholic Arch-
diocese, San Francisco.

Henry Foner. President, Joint Board, Fur, Leather & Machine Workers.

Moe Foner, Exec. Sec'y Local 1199, Drug Hospital Workers.

Clifford Fried, Vice President, Local 2070. AFSCME, AFL-CIO.

Dr. A. Lisa Friedman, psychiatrist. New York City.

William Friedman, New York City.

Victor Fuentes, Spanish Dep't. Univ. of California.

Joel Gajardo, Comm. on U.S. -Latin American Policy Studies, Cornell Univ.

John Gardiner. Archdiocesan Council of Catholic Men, San Francisco.

Russell W. Gibbons. Asst. Editor, STEEL LABOR/USWA, Philadelphia, Pa.

John Gilman, Regional Dir. PCPJ, Milwaukee.

Sidney Gluck, U.S.-Cuba Health Exchange, New York City.

Carlton B. Goodlett, Ph. D.. MD., Editor-Publisher, The Sun Reporter, San
Francisco.

Larry Gossett. Chmn., Third World Coalition, Seattle.

Rev. David M. Gracie, Urban Missioner, Epi.scopal Diocese of Pennsylvania.

Rev. G. G. Grant, S.J., Dept. of Philosophy, Loyola Univ. Member, Chicago
Comm. of Inquiry.

Terry Greene. Exectuive Board, Local 6, ILWU.

Dr. Sidney Greenfield, professor, Univ. of Wisconsin.

Sister Anne Greenslade, Sister's Council. San Francisco.

Edward Greer, professor, Hampshire College.

Father James Groppi, St. Joseph Young Christian Workers, Milwaukee.

183

Rita Gross, Comm. Against Inflation & Unemployment, Milwaukee.

Larry Gurley, Local 771, Am. Fed. of Teachers.

George Guitierrez. Coimcilor. Chance Program, Northern 111. Univ., Human
Rights Com. /Member, Chicago Commission of Inquiry in Chile.

Jerry Hall. Local 535, Social Service Workers.

Mike Harney, American Indian Movement, St. Paul, Minn.

John L. Hammond, Jr., Columbia University.

Dr. Howard Handelman, professor. University of Wisconsin.

Rhonda Hanson, Co-Chairperson, Milwaukee Comm. to Restore Democracy in
Chile.

I^ah Xudell, President, Lazarus Club of Los Angeles.

Michael Harrington, Member, U.S. Congress.

Chester Hartman, San Francisco.

Marii Hasegawa, President, U.S. Section, WILPF.

Charles Hayes, Chmn., Coalition of Black Trade Unionists, Ami. Meat Cutters
& Butcher Work, of N.A., Chicago.

Robert High, NICH, Berkeley.

Freti Hirsch, San Jose Emergency Comm. to Defend Democracy in Chile.

Father William Hogan, Chicago Clergy & Laity Concerned.

George T. Hrbek, Lutheran Global Justice Taskforce.

Sister Mary Ann Ihm, professor, Marquette Univ.

Ying Lee Kelly, City Councilwoman. Berkeley, Calif.

Dr. David Kimmelman, Co-Chairperson, U.S. -Cuba Health Exchange.

Freida Kreitner, Women Speak Out for Peace & Justice, Cleveland.

Helen Kuzman. WILPF.

Sylvia Kushner, Exec. Sec'y. Chicago Peace Council.

Saul Landau, Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C.

Anna Langford, Alderwoman, City of Chicago/Chicago Comm. of Inquiry in
Chile.

Latin American Solidarity Group, Atlanta, Ga.

Father Thomas LeMieux, Pastor, St. Michael's Church, Milwaukee.

Sandra Levinson. Center for Cuban Studies, New York.

Sheldon B. Liss, Univ. of Akron.

Blanche Livingstone, President, Women Speak Out for Peace & Justice,
Cleveland, Ohio.

Dr. Richard Lobban, Ass't. Prof.. Rhode Island College.

Lee Lockwood, author, Los Angeles Com. to Restore Democracy in Chile.

Walter Lowenfels, poet.

Dr. David Luce, professor, Univ. of Wisconsin.

Jack Lucid. Local 6, ILWU.

Prof. Beatrice Lumpkin, Local 1600, AFT.

Salvador Luria, professor.

Conrad Lynn, Esq., New York City.

Raymond Ma jerus, Dist. Director, District 48, UAW.

Bob Malone & Linda Medlin, Greenville Chile Support Comm., Greenville, N.C.

Bertha Marshall, Chairperson, CDC Club, Los Angeles.

Betita Martinez, author, Albuquerque, N.M.

Richard Massman, Asst. Dir., District 48, AFSCME-AFL-CIO.

Rabbi Robert J. Marx. Congregation Saulel, Highland Park, 111.

Goldie Maymudes. President, City Comm., Jewish Cultural Club, Los Angeles.

Dr. Ray McCall, professor, Marquette University.

Frederick A. McGuire, Division for Latin America, U.S. Catholic Conference.

Lawrence McGurty, President, Local 1437, AFT.

David McReynolds, War Resisters League, N.Y.

Philip Meranto, professor, University of Washington.

Jorge Merida, Coordinating Committee for a Free Chile, Denver, Colo.

Sam Meyers, Local 259, UAW.

Michigan Com. for a Free Chile.

Joe Miller, National SANE.

Milwaukee Com. to Restore Democracy in Chile.

Charlene Mitchell. Exec. Sec'y, National Alliance Against Racist and Political
Repression.

Julio Mojica, Vice Pres.. District 65. DWA.

Father Cucholian Moriarity, San Jo.se. Ca.

J. P. Moray, attorney. Chmn.. Fair Trials for Chilean Political Prisoners,
Corvallis, Oregon.

184

Rev. John C. Moyer, United House, Berkeley, Ca.

Helen Moser, Napa Methodist Church.

Marcus Munoz, United Farm Workers, Unitarian Church, Willmette, 111.

Helen Murray, Comm. on Social Justice, Archdiosese of California.

Michael Myerson, author, NYC.

Vivian Myerson, President, Los Angeles WILPF.

NACLA, East & West.

National Anti-Imperialist Movement in Solidarity with African Liberation.

New American Movement.

New York Chile Solidarity Com.

NICH. Berkeley.

Robert Nichols, Avanza, New York City.

Grace, Paley, Resist, New York City.

Rev. William Parrish, Pastor, Summerfield Methodist Church, Milwaukee.

Dean Peerman, Man. Editor, Christian Centeury/Chicago, Commission of
Inquiry.

Philadelphia Chile Emergency Com.

Symour Posner, Assemblyman, New York State.

Joanne Fox Przeworski, University of Chicago/Chicago, Commission of Inquiry
in Chile.

Thomas Quigley, Division of Latin America, U.S. Catholic Conference.

John Randolph, Actors Equity Association.

Abba Ramos, Local 6, ILWU.

A. A. Raymor, former Alderman, City of Chicago.

Amadeo Richardson, President, Chelsea Action Coalition, New York City.

Roque Ristorueci, nat'l staff. Young Workers Liberation League.

Mark Rogovin, muralist. Public Art Workshop, Chicago.

Higinio Romo, President, Local 131, United Rubber Wkrs.

Pauline Rosen, Women Strike for Peace, N.Y.

Norman Roth, President, Local 6, UAW.

Carlos Russell, Dean, Brooklyn College School of Contemporary Studies.

Helen I. Safa, Rutgers University.

Augusto Sallas, Hispanic American Labor Council, Chicago.

Ralph Shapiro, Esq. NYC.

William H. Simons, Washington Teachers Union Local 61, American Fed. of
Teachers.

Dr. James Silverbery, professor, University of Wisconsin.

Saul Silverman, Pres., Local 140/United Furniture, Workers of America,
AFL-CIO.

Ed Smith, Field Organizer. Local 248/Amal. Meat, Cutters & Butcher Work,
of N.A.

Rev. Kenneth Smith, Exec. Dir., Milwaukee Christian Center.

Lasker Smith, Chairman, Auto Workers Caucus, UAW, Local 2 Education
Committee.

Rick Smith, Local 14, 11 WU. Oakland.

Francois A. Samlyo, Cooks Union Local 209.

Social Service Workers of Chilean Freedom, New York City.

Jack D. Spiegel, Org., Dir., Lake States District & Council/United Shoeworkers
of America.

Dorothy Steffens, Exec. Director, WILPF.

Gloria Steinem, MS magazine.

Patricia H. Strandt, Local 71, Newspaper Guild.

Doris E. Streiter, Chairwoman, Chicago Comm. to Save Lives in Chile/Chicago
Comm. of Inquiry.

Leon Sverdlove, President. Int'l. Jewelry Workers Union, AFL-CIO.

Ethel Taylor, Nat'l Coordinator, Women Strike for Peace.

Myra Taylor, Local 400, SFIU.

Frank Teruggi, Sr., Local 16, International Typographical Union, Chicago.
Comm. of Inquiry.

Edith Tiger, Exec. Sec'y, Emergency Civil Liberties Com.

Lou Torre, Local 85, lAM.

Andres Torres, Puerto Rican Socialist Party, N.Y.

Urho Touminen Local 10, ILWU, Trade" Unionists Chile Solidarity Com.,
Chicago.

Lloyd Vandevere, Vice Pres., District 10 UERMW of America, Northern Cal.

Vietnam Vets Against the War ; Buffalo, N.Y.

Dr. Gilbert Walter, professor. University of Wisconsin.

185

Jack Weintraub, Local 85, International Brotherhood of Teamsters.

Jeff Wilkenson, executive board, Local 164, International Holders and Allied
Workers.

Women's Studies College, State Univ. of N.Y., Buffalo.

Malcolm Wright, Exec. Vice Pres., Michigan Federation of Teachers.

Jim West, Exec. Sec'y, Ohio Communist Party.

Jim Williams, Coordinator, Labor Today.

Helen Winter, Communist Party, U.S.A.

Charlotte Walker, Chicago Area Committee to Defend all Political Prisoners.

Andrew Young, Member, U.S. Congress.

Frank Zeidler Nat'l Chmn., Socialist Party/former Mayor of Milwaukee.

Joan Zeiger, Field Worker, Project Involvement, Milwaukee.

At this time, when the alleged involvement of our country in the affairs of for-
eign lands is being hysterically denounced by the Communist Party, its allies,
and willing dupes, I would ask my colleagues to examine carefully the aims of
those same groups as they seek to reimpose a Marxist regime on the people of
Chile.

<snip>

COUNCIL MEETING

5th Anniversary April 8, 1975 at 7:45 P M

Celebration the Second Tuesday

Sat'y. April 26 at 22 E. Van Buren

COUNCIL MEETING AGENDA...

The "ued Squad'.' . . . The Alliance's historic March 20 public disclosure of documented
information showing illegal infiltration of civic groups by the Chicago Police Depart-
ment will be the main item--with current information about the Red Squad's documents,
activities and style. Various documents from the Alliance's dossier will be circu-
lated. A small sampling of such documents revealed five different "numbered" informants
covering our meetings then relating their information 'on the street" to another per-
son--on its way to "our file.

FIFTH ANNIVERSARY DINNER...

The headquarters of the ^Mliance opened with two staff April 1, 1970. On Saturday
evening, April 26, 1975 we will begin celebrating our 5th anniversary with a supper
and commemorative program at McGiffert House, 5751 S. Woodlawn. A buffet dinner
begins at 6 P M. Congressman ualph Metcalfe has accepted our invitation to start the
program with a keynote address about 7:00. A spoken history of the Alliance and its
times-- 1970 to 1975--will be presented by a score of persons associated with Alliance
programs over the years.

Our 5-year history leads to an Alliance first--the presentation of an Alliance
"Civil Freedoms" award to Rick Gutraan, our volunteer attorney who broke the Red
Squad story--and by then, probably more of the story can be told. Twenty-nine
year old . ick is an alumnus of Proviso E. st High, Harvard, U of Chicago, Peace
Corps, Nader's Raiders and the ACLU.

A record turn-out is expected and we must make reservations ahead. So to guarantee
admission, please purchase your tickets ahead and early--by mail or at the Alliance
office... or through your delegate to the Alliance. $6.50 Includes a roast beef dinner.

RED SQUADEXPOSE...

Rick Gutman, volunteer attorney for the Citizens Alert Project of the Alliance to
End Repression, was the one who identified the Red Squad undercover agents and the
names of the Chicago civic groups they had infiltrated. The information was turned
over to CHICAGO DAILY NEWS reporters, Larry Green and Rob Warden, with the agreement
the Alliance be given credit for uncovering the facts.

The publicity aftermath was enormous, putting the Alliance's name on front pages for
days. The WASHINGTON POST and NEWSWEEK, in telling the story, noted the Alliance's
work against illegal surveillance. Local television carried interviews with Alliance
representatives. WGN, WBBM and WLS provided the Alliance time to reply to their
editorials.

State Representative Joseph Lundy has introduced a bill in Springfield which, if
enacted would require Police Departments to obtain authorization from a judge before
Infiltrating an organization. A City Council meeting called to discuss the problem
' was adjourned for lack of a quorum.

A few law suits were filed in the wake of the news. Several organizations and
individuals have asked to join the federal suit we have pending before Judge William
Lynch. On our appeal from a court order which would have permitted the Police Depart-
ment to destroy files on persons not named in our complaint, the Police Department
Mas ordered, at least temporarily, to keep intact Intelligence Division files on
all persons.

Meanwhile criminal proceedings continue before a County Grand Jury. Charges of
burglary and illegal wiretapping alleged in our federal law suit are being investi-
gated by the State's Attorney's Office. Senators Percy and Stevenson have requested

Alliance to End Repression * 22 E. Van Buren * Chicago, 111 60605 * (312) 427-4064

191

federal criminal investigation. This may be a touchy matter if newspaper stories
that the FBI received stolen documents from the Red Squad prove to be true,

<snip>

The Defense Facilities and Industrial Security Act of 1970, passed by the
House of Representatives and ready to go to the Senate, entitles the Secretary
of Defense to restrict certain undefined individuals from working in any place
related in any way to defense. This could include colleges doing research
or any place having government contracts. The individual so restricted would
not have the right to confront his accuser.

The "No-Knock" Drug Bill, which has passed the Senate, would permit the police
to enter a home without prior announcement of who they are, if they "had reason
to believe" that the occupant might destroy evidence of possession of drugs if
he knew the police were there. This opens up the possibility of unlimited
abuse. The Committee for Effective Drug Abuse Legislation has charged that
under the bill "the long arm of the attorney general would reach into every man's
bathroom medicine cabinet."

The "Preventive Detention" bill for the District of Columbia is Senator Tyding's
way of maneuvering to start a ball rolling, because Senator Sam Ervin will not
permit S.2600, which applies to all persons accused of committing a federal
crime, to get out of his committee. Senator Ervin says the bill "smacks of
a police state." Both bills would permit a person charged with committing a
violent felony to be imprisoned for 30 days prior to trial if there is a "sub-
stantial likelihood" that if he were released he might commit certain felonies.
The Bail Reform Act of 1966 establishes that a man accused of a crime must be
released on bail unless there is a probability that he will flee the jurisdic-
tion of the court.

In the New York trial of the Panthers, Judge Murtagh has decreed that the trial
will not go on until the Panthers sign a pledge of good 'behavior in the court
room, to "abide by the American system of justice." The Panthers have no in-
tention of signing such a statement because, as they point out in a 2'(-page
statement, "the American system of justice". is a hideous sham and a revolting
farce as far as the poor people, both Black and white, are concerned. If Judge
Murtagh is allowed to uphold his decree, the Panthers can be in jail, without
a trial, for the rest of their lives.

On February 2*), Judge Edwin Robson in Chicago ordered that the Chicago 15 and
their counsel shall "make or issue no statements, written or oral, either at a
public meeting or occasion, or for public reporting or dissemination in any
fashion, regarding the jury or jurors in this case, prospective or selected,
the merits of the case, the evidence, actual or ant i cipated , the witnesses or
the rulings of the court."

The Nixon Administration, through Attorney General Mitchell, has asked for
legislation to force suspects to submit to identification tests such as finger
prints and blood and saliva specimensto determine if they should be charged
with federal crimes. This is in answer to a Supreme Court decision last month
that it is unconstitutional to require finger printing of suspects and then
match the fingerprints with evidence of the crime.

"THERE IS ONE CHOICE WE CANNOT MAKE, WE ARE INCAPABLE OF MAKING, WE WILL NOT
CHOOSE THE PATH OF SUBMISSION" - Woodrow Wilson, about Fascism, as quoted in
the Panther 21 statement to Judge Murtagh.

<snip>

SUIT BY SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY TO BE JUDGED

A three federal Judge court has been con-
vened for Wednesday, August 13, 1970, to assess
the merits of a suit by the Socialist Workers
Party, "sphallenglng the constitutionality of
three discriminatory provisions of the Illinois
election law. The three provisions refer to the
"loy.ilty" oath, which is mandatory for all
candidates, the distribution requirements on
collectlnj;: signatures for Independant candidates,
and the provision restricting primary voters
from signing Independant nominating petitions.

IVie three Judge panel cor.sists of Judges Will and Parsons from
the U.S. District Court and Judge Swelgert from the 7th Circuit
Court of Appeals. The case will bo argued by attorney Val Kllnk,
of the j\nerlcan Civil Liberties Union.

The case will be heard at 2:00 p.m. Wednesday in Judge Will's
courtroom in the Federal Building.

Etro

201

Exhibit No. 21

-RALLY AND MARCH ~

END POLICE SPYING
& POLICE HARASSMENT!

ABOLISH THE RED SQUAD!

JOIN US!

(Partial List)

ALLIANCE TO END
REPRESSION

OPERATION PUSH

CHICAGO TOMORROW

SOCIALIST WORKERS
PARTY

WOMEN FOR PEACE

CITIZENS FOR A

BETTER ENVIRONMENT

COMMUNIST PARTY, USA

STATEVILLE ELEVEN

NEW AMERICAN MOVEMENT

YOUNG SOCIALIST ALLIANCE

SURGE

GRAY PANTHERS

Boss Daley and Chief Rochford claim that
police spies are necessary to protect us
from "subversives."

But they are the real subversives. Police
Department spying, harassment, wiretaps,
infiltration of citizens' groups, and
"Mission Impossible" gsimes subvert democratic
rights and poison our political life.

DEMONSTRATE AGAINST THE RED SQUAD! HEAR
RICHARD NEWHOUSE, STUDS TERKEL. AND OTHERS
SPEAK! JOIN THIS FESTIVAL TO DEFEND YOUR
RIGHTS!

SATURDAY-APRIL 19- 1 pm-CMC CENTER
MARCH TO 11**^ & STATE. CPO H.Q.

For further information, call 373-3366 or 953-0931

<snip>

RECRUITING SOURCES FOR FAR-RIGHT EXTREMISTS AND INFILTRATORS OF LEFT-WING ORGANIZATIONS

University of Chicago

Founded in 1890 by John D. Rockefeller

Motto: Crescat scientia; vita excolatur

Mascot: Phoenix

Notable Alumni

Roger C. Altman: US Treasury Department Assistant Secretary (1977-81); Lehman Brothers Co-Head, Investment Banking (1981-87); Blackstone Group Vice Chairman (1987-92); US Treasury Department Deputy Secretary (1993-94); Evercore Partners Founder, Chairman and CEO (1996-)

Member of the Bilderberg Group; Member of the Council on Foreign Relations

Aldrich Hazen Ames: CIA employee 1963-94

While working in Soviet counterintelligence for the CIA, Ames provided over 100 names of agents working undercover in the Soviet Union.

At least ten of the agents on Ames' list were subsequently assassinated as a direct result of his leak. Ames was arrested in 1994 when 144 reports were found in his possession, none of which had anything to do with his duties. He received a life sentence; his wife Rosario, who was complicit in some of the activities, was sentenced to five years for conspiracy and tax evasion.

John Ashcroft: J.D.’67; Former U.S. Attorney General; former Governor of Missouri; former U.S. senator

Ashcroft studied law at Yale, and promptly secured a position teaching law at Southwest Missouri State University -- a job which carried the perk of immunity from the Vietnam era draft. He was appointed state auditor in 1973, and promoted to assistant attorney general in 1975. He was elected state attorney general in 1976, and held that office until 1985, when he was elected Governor of Missouri.

After September 11, 2001, Ashcroft was generally credited as 'architect' of the PATRIOT Act, which established several short cuts to circumvent such traditional and constitutional safeguards as search warrants and judicial oversight of police.

Ashcroft authorized secret arrests and detentions, expanded wiretapping, blocked Freedom of Information Act requests, OK'd eavesdropping on defense lawyers and infiltration of political protest groups. He tried to organize a nationwide "tips" line for mail carriers, home repairmen, delivery drivers and others whose occupations bring them in contact with the general public to report suspicious activity. For all this effort, however, Ashcroft had surprisingly few successful prosecutions against terrorists, and the Justice Dept was caught several times playing "shell games" with the numbers. For example, crimes such as writing bad checks or protesters trespassing on a Navy base were listed as "terror convictions", despite having no cited connection to any acts of terrorism.

Despite his long-time support for "state's rights", he brought federal action against Oregon's law allowing assisted suicide, and against California's law allowing medicinal use of marijuana. Uncomfortable with the bare-breasted statue called "Spirit of Justice" in Justice Department headquarters, he ordered the statue covered. As Attorney General, he held daily devotions in his office, with senior staff members "invited" to attend. He also distributed photocopied lyrics to "Let the Eagles Soar", asking department heads and other high-level Justice Department officials to sing along with him.

He has said he was anointed with oil "in the manner of King David" as he took each successive political office in his career. When he became a Senator his father anointed him with Crisco brand cooking oil, and died the next day. Before becoming Attorney General, Ashcroft had Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas do the anointing.

Since leaving the Bush administration, Ashcroft has pursued his first private sector employment since his Dairy Queen days -- his services are now available as a lobbyist. His clients include Choicepoint, Israel Aircraft Industries International, and Oracle Corporation. His fees reportedly start in the low hundreds of thousands of dollars, and apparently he is worth every penny -- with his contacts deep inside the Bush administration, Ashcroft has had remarkable success securing his clients' interests in Washington.

His wife, Janet Ashcroft, is on the Board of Trustees at Patrick Henry College, a fundamentalist Christian college. Its stated goals include producing graduates "who will lead our nation and shape our culture with timeless biblical values". The school is not accredited, but since its founding in 1998, dozens of its students have served internships under Republican Congressmen, Senators, and in the Bush-Cheney White House.
Member of the Council for National Policy, Federalist Society

Robert Orville Anderson: CEO of ARCO, 1966-86

Member of the Boards of Carter Hawley Hale, CBS, Chase Manhattan Bank, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, First National Bank of Chicago, Weyerhaeuser, Atlantic Refining Company, ARCO

Member of the Council on Foreign Relations; John Muir Institute Founder

David M. Axelrod: Obama's chief political advisor; Professor: Northwestern University

Horace Welcome Babcock: Administrator: Director of Mt. Wilson Observatory (1964-78); Administrator: Director of Palomar Observatory, California Institute of Technology (1964-78)

In the early 1950s, Horace W. Babcock was the first astrophysicist to propose adaptive optics, a methodology that provides real-time corrections for atmospheric disturbances of wavefronts. In 1961 he offered a qualitative model to explain the dynamics of the outer layers of the sun, now known as the Babcock Model. Beginning in the early 1970s, he was among the first astronomers to address the challenge of urban glare, proposing construction of what became the Las Campanas Observatory in northern Chile, a location selected for its seclusion from light pollution. Working with his father, astronomer Harold D. Babcock, he invented the solar magnetograph, a scientific instrument that allowed measurement of magnetic fields on the surface of the sun to unprecedented precision.

Scholar: Yerkes Observatory, University of Chicago; Massachusetts Institute of Technology; California Institute of Technology; Mt. Wilson Observatory (1946-64)

Member of the American Astronomical Society;  Royal Astronomical Society Gold Medal 1970; Asteroid Namesake 3167 Babcock (namesake shared with father)

Stephen Berger: Chairman of Odyssey Investment Partners; Oppenheimer & Co. Director of Corporate Development (-1983); Port Authority of New York and New Jersey Executive Director (1985-90); General Electric EVP GE Capital (1990-93); Odyssey Partners General Partner (1993-97); Professor: Graduate School of Public Administration, New York University (1977-84)
Member of the Boards of Tristar Aerospace (as Chairman), TransDigm (1998-2003), York Insurance Services Group;  Dayton Superior Corporation (as Chairman), Dresser Industries, Forstmann Little & Co., Hugoton Energy Resources, Odyssey Investment Partners (as Chairman 1997-), Pro Mach

Administrator: Trustee, Brandeis University; Executive Advisor, Chief Executive Leadership Institute, Yale University

United States Railway Association Chairman
Adriaan Blaauw: Scholar: Yerkes Observatory, University of Chicago (1947-48 and 1952-57); Administrator: Director, European Southern Observatory (1970-74)
Professor: Astronomy, Groningen University (1957-70); Astronomy, University of Leiden (1975-81); Astronomy, Groningen University (1981-)

International Astronomical Union President (1976-79); Astronomy & Astrophysics Board (1968-81); Asteroid Namesake 2145 Blaauw

Geoffrey Ronald Burbidge: Scholar: Harvard University; Scholar: Yerkes Observatory, University of Chicago; Teacher: Astronomy, Cambridge University
Member of the American Astronomical Society; Astronomical Society of the Pacific President (1974-76)

Eleanor Margaret Peachey: Scholar: Yerkes Observatory, University of Chicago; Scholar: California Institute of Technology (1954-57); Teacher: Astronomy, University of Chicago (1957-62)
American Association for the Advancement of Science President (1983); American Astronomical Society President (1976-78)

Elizabeth L. Cheney: JD, University of Chicago; Dick Cheney's daughter
Member of the Council on Foreign Relations
Robert A. Essner: MA, University of Chicago; Wyeth CEO (2002-07); Sandoz (1978-86); President of Sandoz Consumer Health-Care Group (1987-89)
Member of The Business Council; Business Roundtable; Children's Health Fund Chairman of Corporate Council; National Republican Congressional Committee; Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America Board of Directors

Trustee Committee for Economic Development, Committee to Encourage Corporate Philanthropy, Kennedy Center Corporate Fund Board

Philip M. Giraldi: BA, 1968; Former CIA officer; CIA employee; American Conservative; American Conservative Defense Alliance Francis Walsingham Fellow; Cannistraro Associates Partner; San Marco International President; Defense Intelligence Agency

Paul Goodman: died 1972; Anarchist

Jesse Leonard Greenstein: Co-Discoverer of quasars
Member of the American Astronomical Society; National Academy of Sciences 1957; National Research Council; Royal Astronomical Society

Patricia Roberts: Cabinet Secretary under Jimmy Carter; Professor: George Washington National Law Center (1982-85); US Secretary of Health and Human Services (1979-81); US Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare (1979); US Secretary of Housing and Urban Development (1977-79); US Ambassador to Luxembourg (1965-67)

Seymour Myron Hersh: BA History, 1958; Journalist

Hersh is the reporter who uncovered the My Lai Massacre, for which he received the Pulitzer Prize. More recently Hersh broke the story about U.S. torture at Abu Ghraib prison in The New Yorker.

Edwin Powell Hubble: Doctorate in astronomy, 1917; Astronomer; US Army (1917-19);

He studied the skies at Mount Wilson Observatory, created a classification system for galaxies, and developed Hubble's Law in 1929. His life's work was to observe and map the universe. In 1931 Albert Einstein visited Mount Wilson to thank Hubble for correcting Einstein's error. Einstein had previously thought the universe was static; Hubble had convinced him it was dynamic and expanding. Hubble was friends with Aldous Huxley. He was the first person to use the Hale Telescope at the Mount Palomar Observatory. Hubble campaigned for himself to win a Nobel Prize, but there was no category for astronomy. The Hubble Space Telescope is named after him.

Samuel Phillips Huntington: Author of The Clash of Civilizations; Military service: US Army

US National Security Council Coordinator of Security Planning (1977-78); Foreign Policy Founder and Co-Editor; America Abroad Media Advisory Board; American Enterprise Institute Council of Economic Advisors; Brookings Institution Research Assistant (1952-53); Council on Foreign Relations; Foreign Policy Research Institute Board of Advisors; Freedom House Board of Trustees; International Institute for Strategic Studies Director (1989)

Prominent Harvard political scientist accused of xenophobia for the content of his books, most especially The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996). In it, Huntington predicts that the history of the 21st century will be dominated by struggle between human cultures and not individual countries:
It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.

Edward Hirsch Levi: US Attorney General, 1975-77; Professor: University of Chicago Law School (1977-)

Illinois State Bar Association; American Academy of Arts and Sciences President; American Bar Association; American Judicature Society; MacArthur Foundation Trustee; Order of the Coif; Phi Beta Kappa Society; French Legion of Honor

Charles Harting Percy: US Senator from Illinois, 1967-85; Bell and Howell President and CEO, 1949-63

American Academy of Diplomacy; Council on Foreign Relations; Kennedy Center Trustee Emeritus; Alpha Delta Phi Fraternity; Phi Delta Phi Legal Fraternity

Joseph A. Pichler: Kroger CEO (1990-2003), President and COO (1986-90), EVP (1985-86); Dillon Companies President (1982-86), Dillon Companies EVP (1980-82)

Member of the Boards of Federated Department Stores (-2007); Member of the Board of Kroger (1983-2004, as Chairman, 1990-04); Member of the Board of Macy's (2007-); Member of the Board of Milacron

David M. Rubenstein: JD, 1973; Carlyle Group Cofounder (1987-)

Member of the Trilateral Commission

JP Morgan Chase Advisory Board; Academy of Achievement Platinum Patron; American Academy in Berlin Trustee; American Council on Germany Board of Directors; Emerging Markets Private Equity Association Advisory Board; Institute for International Economics Board of Directors; Phi Beta Kappa Society

Carl Edward Sagan: Popular astronomer, host of Cosmos

American Association for the Advancement of Science; American Astronautical Society Fellow; American Astronomical Society; American Geophysical Union; American Philosophical Society 1995; American Physical Society; Children's Health Fund Advisory Board; CSICOP; Council for a Livable World; Council on Foreign Relations; Federation of American Scientists; Guggenheim Foundation; International Academy of Humanism Laureate; Planetary Society Cofounder;

Peter Tarnoff: Pacific Council on International Policy Director; President, Council on Foreign Relations, 1986-93; US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (1993-97); World Affairs Council Executive Director (1983-86); US Executive Secretary of State (1977-81); US State Department Director, Office of Research & Analysis, Western Europe (1975-76); US State Department Deputy Chief of Mission, Luxembourg (1973-75); US State Department Consul General, Lyon, France (1971-73); US State Department Special Asst. to US Amb. to West Germany Kenneth Rush (1969); US State Department Special Asst. to Chief of American Delegation, Paris Talks on Vietnam (1968); US State Department Special Asst. to Ambassador-at-Large Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (1967)

Frank Wood: JD, 1967; Secret Communications, LLC President and CEO (1994-); Jacor Communications (1986-90); WEBN 102.7 (Cincinnati) (-1986); Member of the Board of 8e6 Technologies (as Chairman); Member of the Board of Chemed Corp.; Member of the Board of Tribune Co. (2007-)

Jeremiah A. Wright, Jr.: Trinity United Church of Christ; US Marine Corps (1961-62); US Navy (1962-67);

Jeremiah Wright voluntarily yielded his student deferment, quit college, and enlisted with the Marines. After two years in the Corps, Wright joined the Navy, and earned three letters of commendation. On leaving the military he finished college, entered seminary, and became a Christian minister, as his father was. For more than 35 years until his 2008 retirement, he was pastor of Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago, which he grew from a congregation of 87 to over 8,000. One of his long-time parishioners was Barack Obama, which has drawn scrutiny to Rev. Wright's challenging and sometimes politically-tinged sermons, many of which are available via Trinity Church's YouTube channel.

Sidney Richard Yates: BA, 1931; US Congressman, Illinois 9th (3-Jan-1965 to 3-Jan-1999); US State Department US Representative to UN Trusteeship Council (1963-64); US Congressman, Illinois 9th (3-Jan-1949 to 3-Jan-1963); Illinois State Official Assistant AG, Illinois Commerce Commission (1937-40); Illinois State Official Assistant Attorney, Illinois State Bank Receiver (1935-37)

American Bar Association; Council on Foreign Relations; Illinois State Bar Association

619 F.2d 641

6 Fed. R. Evid. Serv. 75

SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY et al., Plaintiffs-Appellees, Cross-Appellants,
v.
Joseph GRUBISIC et al., Defendants,
and
Bernard Carey, Deponent-Appellant, Cross-Appellee.

No. 79-1406.

United States Court of Appeals,
Seventh Circuit.

Argued Oct. 24, 1979.
Decided April 15, 1980.

Lance Haddix, Chicago, Ill., for plaintiffs-appellees, cross-appellants.

John A. Dienner, III, Asst. State's Atty., Chicago, Ill., for deponent-appellant, cross-appellee, Carey.

Before CASTLE, Senior Circuit Judge, and PELL and TONE, Circuit judges.

PELL, Circuit Judge.

Bernard Carey, State's Attorney for Cook County, Illinois, appeals from an order of the district court requiring him to produce the transcripts of the March 1975 Cook County Grand Jury 655. This court held that it has jurisdiction of this appeal and the plaintiff's cross-appeal in a per curiam decision dated August 7, 1979. Socialist Workers Party v. Grubisic, 604 F.2d 1005 (7th Cir. 1979). The only issue before us, therefore, is the propriety of the district court's disclosure order.

The plaintiffs filed this civil rights action in federal court alleging victimization for their political views during the years 1969 and 1970 by a right-wing, paramilitary organization known as the Legion of Justice. This pattern of harassment allegedly took place as part of a conspiracy with members of the Chicago Police Department and the 113th Military Intelligence Group of the United States Army.

Discovery in this action began in February 1978. The plaintiffs' attempts to depose defendant members of the Chicago Police Department and Legion of Justice assertedly were frustrated by the evasiveness of the witnesses. Earlier, in November 1975, the Cook County Grand Jury 655 issued a report on the results of its investigation of illegal police activities which said in part:

The Chicago Police Department's failure to assist this Grand Jury, seemed to us to be an attempt to frustrate our investigation. The Department's attitude and conduct surprised and disappointed this Grand Jury.

The evidence has clearly shown that the Security Section of the Chicago Police Department assaulted the fundamental freedoms of speech, association, press and religion, as well as the constitutional right to privacy of hundreds of individuals.

One group operating during this period was an organization known as the Legion of Justice, a now defunct militant organization which advocated violence as a means of obtaining its objectives. There is no question that some members of the Security Section (of the Chicago Police Department) maintained a close working relationship with the Legion of Justice. Our conclusion is not based solely upon the testimony of former members of the Legion of Justice, but rather on the totality of evidence presented to the Grand Jury.

Portions of the transcript of these Grand Jury proceedings were released during the state criminal trial of a member of the Legion of Justice. Included in the released portion is the testimony of three defendants in this case, some of which contradicts their current deposition testimony, and some of which supports the plaintiffs' theory of recovery.

Bernard Carey is not a party in this case, but was served with a subpoena duces tecum requesting him, as State's Attorney, to produce records and transcripts of the state grand jury proceedings. Carey moved to quash this subpoena, and the plaintiffs filed a cross-motion to order production of these materials. On April 3, 1979, the district court ordered Carey to turn over the materials to the plaintiffs. The district court's April 3 order said in pertinent part:

Plaintiffs have demonstrated that the evidence presented by witnesses who testified before the extended March 1975 Cook County Grand Jury 655 is otherwise unavailable to plaintiffs from other sources and is relevant to refresh the recollection of or to impeach recalcitrant witnesses. Certain grand jury testimony voluntarily released by the city defendants is inconsistent with discovery in this case. . . .

Under these circumstances, the court finds that the plaintiffs have demonstrated a compelling necessity with sufficient particularity for discovery of the grand jury transcripts. . . .

This order was subsequently modified on April 27, 1979 to permit Carey to

produce immediately that portion of the subpoenaed materials he thinks should be produced in the public interest and submit to the court the balance of the materials for a determination of whether, in fact, they ought not be disclosed to plaintiffs.

The April 27 order was entered after the commencement of the appeal from the original order of April 3. The April 27 modification is before this court pursuant to our order of September 5, 1979 remanding this case for the limited purpose of permitting entry of the April 27 modified order, which entry occurred on September 21, 1979. It is from this modified order that the plaintiff-appellee has cross-appealed. We need not at this time reach the issue whether the district court's order is too broad or not broad enough in its scope because we hold that in the circumstances of this case, notions of comity between the state and federal courts require that the plaintiffs first seek disclosure in the state court with supervisory powers over the grand jury.

We turn initially to the State's claim to secrecy of the materials. The State of Illinois preserves the secrecy of its grand jury by statute. See Ill.Rev.Stat. ch. 38, § 112-6.1 Of course, because the plaintiffs' claims arise under federal law, the privileged nature of these materials under Illinois law is not controlling. Rather, federal common law is the source of any privilege. Fed.R.Evid. 501; In re Grand Jury Impaneled January 21, 1975, 541 F.2d 373, 378 (3d Cir. 1976); United States v. Craig, 528 F.2d 773, 781 (7th Cir. 1976) (Tone, J., concurring), adopted en banc, 537 F.2d 957 (7th Cir. 1976) (per curiam), cert. denied, 425 U.S. 973, 96 S.Ct. 2171, 48 L.Ed.2d 796, 429 U.S. 999, 97 S.Ct. 526, 50 L.Ed.2d 609; Kerr v. United States District Court, 511 F.2d 192, 197 (9th Cir. 1975), aff'd, 426 U.S. 394, 96 S.Ct. 2119, 48 L.Ed.2d 725 (1976); Carr v. Monroe Manufacturing Co., 431 F.2d 384, 387-88 (5th Cir. 1970), cert. denied, 400 U.S. 1000, 91 S.Ct. 456, 27 L.Ed.2d 451 (1971).2 That the federal common law, as interpreted in light of reason and experience, accords at least a qualified privilege to the records of state grand jury proceedings, is subject to little question. "(A) strong policy of comity between state and federal sovereignties impels federal courts to recognize state privileges where this can be accomplished at no substantial cost to federal substantive and procedural policy." Lora v. Board of Education, 74 F.R.D. 565, 576 (E.D.N.Y.1977) (quoting United States v. King, 73 F.R.D. 103, 105 (E.D.N.Y.1975)). In Illinois, grand jury proceedings are surrounded in secrecy to prevent the escape of those under indictment, to ensure free deliberations, to prevent subornation of perjury, to encourage disclosure by witnesses, and to protect the innocent from unwarranted exposure. See People ex rel. Sears v. Romiti, 50 Ill.2d 51, 277 N.E.2d 705 (1971), cert. denied, 406 U.S. 921, 92 S.Ct. 1778, 32 L.Ed.2d 121 (1972); People v. French, 61 Ill.App.2d 439, 209 N.E.2d 505 (1965). Under federal law, the federal grand juries are clothed with secrecy, Fed.R.Crim.P. 6(e), for precisely the same reasons. See, e. g., Douglas Oil Co. v. Petrol Stops Northwest, 441 U.S. 211, 218-19, 99 S.Ct. 1667, 1672, 60 L.Ed.2d 156 (1979); United States v. Procter & Gamble Co., 356 U.S. 677, 681-82 n. 6, 78 S.Ct. 983, 985-86 n. 6, 2 L.Ed.2d 1077 (1958). Neither party has suggested that state grand jury materials should not be accorded at least the same measure of protection in federal courts that is accorded to federal grand jury materials. Furthermore, principles of comity dictate that we carefully consider the integral role secrecy plays in the Illinois grand jury system, which is in turn crucial to the operation of the criminal justice system of that state. Federal courts have had long experience balancing the strong interest in grand jury secrecy against the need for disclosure in the context of decisions applying Fed.R.Crim.P. 6(e). On the basis of these factors, we conclude that the parties have properly defined the scope of the federal common law privilege to be afforded to these state grand jury materials by reference to that rule.

It is well-settled that disclosure of federal grand jury materials to private parties under Rule 6(e) requires a showing that they are needed to avoid a possible injustice in another judicial proceeding, that the need for disclosure is greater than the need for continued secrecy, and that the request is structured to cover only the material needed. E. g., Douglas Oil, supra, 441 U.S. at 222, 99 S.Ct. at 1674.3 The application of this standard accommodates both the continuing need for secrecy of grand jury materials and the need of the party whose cause may be prejudiced without them. Often, however, the court where the current proceedings are pending is not the same court that supervised the work of the grand jury. In the federal system, Rule 6(e) generally requires that requests for grand jury disclosure first be submitted to the court that supervised the grand jury's activities. Id., 441 U.S. at 226, 99 S.Ct. at 1676; State of Illinois v. Sarbaugh, 552 F.2d 768, 772-73 (7th Cir. 1977), cert. denied, 434 U.S. 889, 98 S.Ct. 262, 54 L.Ed.2d 174. The supervisory court has first-hand knowledge of the need for secrecy in those particular proceedings. Moreover, when state grand jury proceedings are subject to disclosure, comity dictates that the federal courts defer action on any disclosure requests until the party seeking disclosure shows that the state supervisory court has considered his request and has ruled on the continuing need for secrecy. Otherwise the potential threat of disclosure orders in subsequent federal civil litigation would seriously weaken the state court's control over the secrecy of this essential component of its criminal justice system. See Lora, supra, 74 F.R.D. at 576 ("If the state holds out the expectation of protection to its citizens, they should not be disappointed by a mechanical and unnecessary application of the federal rule.") Cf. In re Grand Jury Impaneled January 21, 1975, supra, 541 F.2d at 377 (dictum) (in a challenge by state court prothonotary to federal grand jury subpoena of law firm's retainer agreements on file in that court, comity might have dictated initial request in the state court of common pleas; interference with federal grand jury investigation, however, may well have outweighed any interest in comity).4

As we have already noted, of course, federal law determines the scope of the privilege covering these materials, and the requirement that these plaintiffs first seek disclosure through the avenues available to them in the state court does not give the state courts a veto over disclosure in this federal civil rights case. This preliminary stage is designed merely to forestall unnecessary intrusion by the federal courts in state grand jury proceedings or, at least, to ensure that the important state interest in secrecy is thoroughly considered. On the other hand, although the state court may determine that the materials are privileged under state law, only the federal court may determine whether the materials are privileged under federal common law. In this way the federal interest in disclosure will be properly considered preliminarily to a final decision on the privilege issue. See Douglas Oil, supra, 441 U.S. at 227-28, 99 S.Ct. at 1677. The federal court will be more familiar than the state court with the pending litigation and thus will be more familiar with the needs of the party requesting them.

In the event the plaintiffs are unsuccessful in obtaining disclosure in the state court, the federal district court very well may have to take custody of the grand jury materials and rule on specific requests for disclosure, taking into account the need for secrecy developed during the state disclosure proceeding. See id., (approving procedure whereby the district court supervising the grand jury made a written evaluation of the need for continued secrecy and a determination whether the evidence before it justified disclosure and then forwarded materials to the district court where civil case was pending); Sarbaugh, supra, 552 F.2d at 773 n. 5. Should the district court ultimately determine that disclosure is appropriate, the State's Attorney should be notified prior to disclosure, and the district court should stay disclosure for a time sufficient to preserve the secrecy of the materials pending an appeal by the State.5

Accordingly, the order of the district court is reversed and the cause remanded for proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion. Costs shall be awarded to the deponent-appellant.

The statute provides in pertinent part:

Matters other than the deliberations and vote of any grand juror may be disclosed by the State's Attorney solely in the performance of his duties. Matters occurring before the Grand Jury other than the deliberations and vote of any grand juror may be disclosed when the court, preliminary to or in connection with a judicial proceeding, directs such in the interests of justice or when a law so directs.

Privileged matter is immune from discovery under Fed.R.Civ.P. 26(b)(1)

The Court made clear in Douglas Oil Co. that this standard applies to completed grand jury proceedings as well as to proceedings in progress

Carey has alleged that Chief Judge Fitzgerald subjected witnesses before this grand jury to an extraordinary gag order to protect those testifying in this volatile case from retaliation by their supervisors in local government. According to Carey, this promise of secrecy was the reason that some testimony became available to the grand jury

We express no opinion on the appealability of any future disclosure order. The purpose of this protective order is merely to prevent defeat of any such right by premature disclosure

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