THE TYLENOL MURDERS

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Roger Arnold
Orville Brettman
John Fecarotta
Henry Gully
Richard Husted
Mark Husted
Terry Mee
Wayne Nelson
Charles Percy
Louis Tedesco
Steve Telow
H. Stuart Campbell
Richard Ben-Veniste
Carpentersville
COINTELPRO
CPD Red Squad
Legion of Justice
THE LEGION OF JUSTICE
 
The Legion of Justice is but one of the self-constituted, private citizen bands which emerge and disappear and re-emerge in times that bewilder, torment or frustrate Americans. Each has as its central rationale the conviction that the lawful constituted authority - be it the federal government or the local municipal council - somehow cannot cope with problems of public safety, racial discord, crime, drugs, protest and dissent. Some, as is the case with the Legion of Justice, operate underground.
 
In the late 1960s and early 70s, the Legion of Justice engaged in acts of physical attack, intimidation, robbery, and death threats against individuals and organizations in Northern Illinois. Victims of these harassments were the Young Socialist Alliance, the Socialist Workers Party, Newsreel, the Guild Bookstore, the IWW, a Chicago Peace Council member, and other Movement people.
 

The 113th Army Military Intelligence group provided money, tear-gas, MACE and electronic surveilance equipment to Legion of Justice thugs whom the Chicago Red Squad turned loose on local anti-war groups.

 

On at least two occasions the fruit of the Legion's burglaries turned up in army hands. In one case documents stolen from the defense attorneys in the famous Chicago Seven  trial growing out of disturbances at the 1968 Democratic Convention were turned over to the army by the Legion of Justice hoodlums.

Charges against the Chicago seven were brought by then US Attorney, James Thompson. Two of the seven defendants were acquitted at trial, and convictions against the other five were all reversed. 

 

A former Legion member told the Chicago Daily News that it had virtual immunity from arrest by the police department while it committed burglaries and harassed peace organizations. The former terrorist said that the groups leader, S. Thomas Sutton, had told the group it should co-operate with the police spy squad in return for the immunity.

 

Based on testimony of former members of the Legion of Justice, and the totality of evidence presented to the Grand Jury, there is no question that some members of the Security Section (of the Chicago Police Department) maintained a close working relationship with the Legion of Justice.

 

According to former member Steve Telow, one of the objectives of the Legion of Justice was to expose the traitors who were willing to sacrifice our boys (in Viet Nam). "Treason should be punished," he said.

 

Two young members of the Legion of Justice, one a former member of the Minutemen, said in 1970 that assassination of "traitors" is a prime goal of the group.

The Minutemen was a right-wing paramilitary group that had fallen apart since the imprisonment of its principal founder, Robert DePugh. DePugh owned BioLab, a Missouri based veterinary drug company, and once discussed the use of biological agents with a reporter: “Do you realize that I could kill everyone in the United States except myself if I wanted to?”

 

"...were I the President of the United States, I would do as Thomas Jefferson did with Aaron Burr in 1806; I would have them arrested, and if convicted, within the meaning and scope of the constitution, by the eternal God I would Execute them. Sir, Treason must be punished."

 - Andrew Johnson, March 2, 1861

 
The Legion of Justice adhered to Posse Comitatus ideology and had a network of compounds in Illinois, Wisconsin, Missouri and Michigan - the same states where Posse Comitatus had amassed its compounds. The Legion of Justice and Posse Comitatus conducted paramilitary training at sites in these states.
 
By all appearances, the Legion of Justice was an elite professionally trained and politically connected group within the Posse Comitatus. The Legion of Justice never really disbanded, it just went back underground.
 
 

POSSE COMITATUS AGENDA

 

While politically motivated terrorists might avoid killing very large numbers of people because the political costs would exceed the benefits, some terrorists want to annihilate their enemies or demolish the societal order. National Alliance leader William Pierce has declared that his aim is to initiate a worldwide race war and establish an Aryan state.

"We are in a war for the survival of our race," he explains, "that ultimately we cannot win... except by killing our enemies... It's a case of either we destroy them or they will destroy us, with no chance for compromise or armistice."

 

Members of these right-wing extremist are typically followers of the American Christian Patriot Movement, which supports hostility against any form of government above the county level, vilifies Jews and non-whites as children of Satan, obsesses about achieving religious and racial purification of the U.S., believes in a conspiracy theory that regards powerful Jews as controlling important financial and media positions within the U.S., and advocates the overthrow of the U.S. government.

 

The group existed in obscurity until 1975 when the FBI learned of a possible assassination attempt against then vice-president Nelson Rockefeller in Little Rock, Arkansas. Rockefeller was viewed by the Posse as one of the major "money czars."

 

After an investigation, the FBI uncovered 75 Posse chapters in 23 states. The Kansas Bureau of Investigation estimated posse membership in 1980 at 2.5 million.

 

Special investigator Samuel Van Pelt said the Posse Comitatus groups viewed the Trilateral Commission as the "ultimate evil — Jewish bankers who are conspiring to take over the world and ruin their lives. They believe the Trilateral Commission is trying to force farmers off the land through the banks and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation so it can control food production and the economy." - also see: Farm Crisis of the 1980s

 
 
 
 UNDER CONSTRUCTION
 
 
KNOWN MEMBERS OF THE LEGION OF JUSTICE:
 
 
S. Thomas Sutton: Proclaimed as the founder and leader of the Legion of Justice. Sutton also founded the racist Operation Crescent, and was an operative for the Chicago Police Department's "Red Squad."
 
 
Orville BrettmanBrettman is quoted in transcripts from testimony he gave to a Cook County grand jury in 1975 as saying that he participated in burglaries committed in the late 1960s and early 1970s by the Legion of Justice.
 
Unless the FAA has taken action as a result of this website, Orville Brettman is currently working for the FAA as a Technician; probably maintaining aircraft that fly in and out of Chicago's O'Hare International Airport.  
 
 
Steve Telow: Legion of Justice members met regularly at Telow's bar, The Smokey Hollow Tavern, located on the northwest side of Chicago.
 
 
Stephen Sedlako:
 
 
Thomas K. Stewart:
 
 
 
 
KNOWN MEMBERS OF THE LEGION OF THE MINUTEMEN:
 
[Minutemen members included John DePugh (Robert's son), Donald and June Telerman, Ed Hickey, Arthur Eugene Williams, Richard Lauchli (Illinois). Jack Leonard Karnes, Ray Barnes, Walter Peyson (Chicago - DePugh's right-hand man)Raithby "Ray" Husted (former marine turned FBI informant), Kenneth Goth, Al Someford, Troy Haughton (California), Robert N. Taylor (Chicago), Janet Taylor, Joan Gorely, Cindy Melville, Vincent DePalma (turned ATF informant - murdered in an unsolved gangland slaying in January 1978 in Los Angeles), Jerry Brooks (FBI informant), Mary Tollerton (DePugh's secretary), Edward BaumgardnerDennis Mower, George Demerle (New York), Guy Bannister (former FBI agent) and survivalist Kurt Saxon -aka Donald Sisco], Charles Conley “Connie” Lynch (also member of NSRP and CDL),
 
 
 
 
 
Topics possibly relevant to the Tylenol murders that should be explored
 
 
 
Members of the Legion of Justice and other Posse Comitatus groups viewed the Trilateral Commission as the "ultimate evil — Jewish bankers who are conspiring to take over the world and ruin their lives. 
 
A prime goal of the Legion of Justice was the assassination of "traitors."
 
J&J CEO James Burke and several members of J&J's board of directors were members of the Trilateral Commission, the Council on Foreign Relations and companies founded by the most hated of all Jews; the Rockefellers (far-right extremists believe the Rockefellers are Jews who ony pretend to be Christians). In fact, the Johnson & Johnson's Board of Directors, in the 1980s, was populated almost entirely by "friends of the Rockefellers."
 
Did right-wing extremists poison Tylenol in their war against the Jews? 
 
 
Roger Arnold adhered to Posse Comitatus ideology. He worked for Jewel Foods, lived near the Jewel Foods distribution center, and hung-out in bars on the north-side of Chicago. For a period of time, The Legion of Justice held meetings in a tavern located on the north side of Chicago that was owned by Legion member Steve Telow. Victim Paula Prince bought cyanide laced Tylenol at Walgreens on Chicago's north side.
 
Was Roger Arnold a member of the Legion of Justice? Did Arnold belong to a right-wing extremist group that had as its members individuals who at one time belonged to the Legion of Justice?
 
 
Mark Husted was a drug smuggler who died from cyanide poisoning on September 14, 1982 in Des Plaines, IL. His father, Richard Husted, a former state's attorney, worked on the Carpentersville Village board with Village President Orville Brettman from 1977 to 1981. Brettman is a former member of the Legion of Justice.
 
Was money from Husted's drug smuggling operation used to finance far-right extremist groups? (Think Iran-contra, Meena Arkansas) - (Richard Husted (Sr. and/or Jr.) and Orville Brettman owned their own airplanes). Were Mark or Richard Husted members of any far-right extremist group?
 
Mark Husted and two others died of cyanide poisoning, from an unknown source, two weeks before the September 29 Tylenol murders. They all died within ten or twenty miles of six Tylenol murder victims, the Jewel Foods distribution center, and the Howard Johnson parking lot where one day before the murders deputies found, but did not retrieve, hundreds of empty Tylenol calpsules and a pile of white powder.
 
Were these three also victims of the Tylenol killers?
 
Did Mark Husted die while handling the cyanide that was in the Tylenol murders?
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Legion of Justice Connection to the Chicago-7, Weatherman, Black Panthers and Martin Luther King
 
under construction
 
 
 
 
Chicago Black Media Representatives Challenge State's Attorney Edward Hanrahan to Uphold Law
 
October 21, 1970
 

The Chicago Black Media Representatives, an organization which includes representatives of all Chicago area Black media (except the Citizen papers) and Black executives, editors and reporters who work on newspapers, radio and TV stations owned and controlled by non-Blacks, has challenged State's Attorney Edward Hanrahan to uphold the law equally for Blacks and whites. BMR chairman Hurley Green called a press conference, urging both the mass media and the Black newsmen of Chicago to attend and hear the facts on white Neo-Nazi groups' violent actions. Hanrahan was also invited, but did not attend.

 

The statement read in part:

 

"First, we draw attention to the Legion of Justice, S. Thomas Sutton, Chief of the Legion, recently introduced Orville Brettman as a leader of the "Viet Nam Veterans Association."

 

"Brettman said that he would attend the recent March for Victory in Washington. D.C. and that he and his group would step outside the law" to deal with "treasonous left wing" peace demonstrators if they appeared.

 

"Thomas Sedlacko and Thomas Stewart of the Legion of Justice were both arrested recently after invading Lady of the Mount Roman Catholic Church in Suburban Cicero.

 

"The following organizations have gone on legal record as victims of the Legions of Justice's attacks: the Chicago Peace Council, the Young Workers Liberation League, The Young Workers Socialist Alliance and the Cicero church. "Yet, until the Americans for Democratic Action and other organizations pressured him to do so, the State's Attorney has been reluctant to move to arrest any members of the Legion.

 

"Meanwhile Frank Collin of the local American Nazi Party has been down in Cairo, IL with the other racist vigilinte organization called the "White Hats." Several gun battles have been sparked against Black citizens in Cairo. And Nazis from Cook County have been photographed in Cairo and in Chicago itself picketing with signs saying "Hitler was right" and "shoot Black snipers" with "snipers" referring to Blacks who have been forced to defend themselves against many armed attacks.

 

"Assuming that Mr. Hanrahan includes citizens, peace groups and other citizens as part of society, this certainly indicates what he calls "group action" of an anti-social sort and also a commitment to violence. "And certainly the attacks by armed thugs against peace organizations and various political groups indicates a belief in violent force as a basis for political strength.

 

"These beliefs have been documented many times, but we refer you to the August 16, 1970 Lerner Newspapers report about a speech Sutton gave at Northeastern. He called for the formation of "a right wing terrorist underground "and went on to say, "I want to make the Sen. Joe McCarthy era look like a love-in, to make the French Revolution look like a teaparty—there will be a blood bath and people will suffer."

 

Members of his organization allegedly brutalized students in DeKalb, where one of his associates. Rollin Church, is enrolled in the Kishuaukeo College police science program although he is no policeman. Perhaps this explains these groups immunity to arrest. "All of Chicago remembers the scandal of Ku Klux Klan membership in the police department and is aware that few if any of these Klansmen have lost their jobs.

 

"With these facts in mind we urge States Atty. Hanrahan, as we have in the past, to show the same energy and dedication in defending the people of Illinois protection under the Constitution with equal vigor regardless of the color, national origin or political opinions of either the users or victims of aggressive violence.Informed beforehand of the detailed nature of the statement, neither Hanrahan nor any TV and radio station attended the conference. The Chicago Defender and other daily newspapers—with the exception of a Black newswoman from the Chicago Daily News—also failed to attend the conference.

 
 
 
 
 
 

619 F.2d 641

6 Fed. R. Evid. Serv. 75

SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY et al., Plaintiffs-Appellees, Cross-Appellants,
v.
Joseph GRUBISIC et al., Defendants,
and
Bernard Carey, Deponent-Appellant, Cross-Appellee.

No. 79-1406.

United States Court of Appeals,
Seventh Circuit.

Argued Oct. 24, 1979.
Decided April 15, 1980.

Lance Haddix, Chicago, Ill., for plaintiffs-appellees, cross-appellants.

John A. Dienner, III, Asst. State's Atty., Chicago, Ill., for deponent-appellant, cross-appellee, Carey.

Before CASTLE, Senior Circuit Judge, and PELL and TONE, Circuit judges.

PELL, Circuit Judge.

1

Bernard Carey, State's Attorney for Cook County, Illinois, appeals from an order of the district court requiring him to produce the transcripts of the March 1975 Cook County Grand Jury 655. This court held that it has jurisdiction of this appeal and the plaintiff's cross-appeal in a per curiam decision dated August 7, 1979. Socialist Workers Party v. Grubisic, 604 F.2d 1005 (7th Cir. 1979). The only issue before us, therefore, is the propriety of the district court's disclosure order.

2

The plaintiffs filed this civil rights action in federal court alleging victimization for their political views during the years 1969 and 1970 by a right-wing, paramilitary organization known as the Legion of Justice. This pattern of harassment allegedly took place as part of a conspiracy with members of the Chicago Police Department and the 113th Military Intelligence Group of the United States Army.

3

Discovery in this action began in February 1978. The plaintiffs' attempts to depose defendant members of the Chicago Police Department and Legion of Justice assertedly were frustrated by the evasiveness of the witnesses. Earlier, in November 1975, the Cook County Grand Jury 655 issued a report on the results of its investigation of illegal police activities which said in part:

4

The Chicago Police Department's failure to assist this Grand Jury, seemed to us to be an attempt to frustrate our investigation. The Department's attitude and conduct surprised and disappointed this Grand Jury.

5

The evidence has clearly shown that the Security Section of the Chicago Police Department assaulted the fundamental freedoms of speech, association, press and religion, as well as the constitutional right to privacy of hundreds of individuals.

6

One group operating during this period was an organization known as the Legion of Justice, a now defunct militant organization which advocated violence as a means of obtaining its objectives. There is no question that some members of the Security Section (of the Chicago Police Department) maintained a close working relationship with the Legion of Justice. Our conclusion is not based solely upon the testimony of former members of the Legion of Justice, but rather on the totality of evidence presented to the Grand Jury.

7

Portions of the transcript of these Grand Jury proceedings were released during the state criminal trial of a member of the Legion of Justice. Included in the released portion is the testimony of three defendants in this case, some of which contradicts their current deposition testimony, and some of which supports the plaintiffs' theory of recovery.

8

Bernard Carey is not a party in this case, but was served with a subpoena duces tecum requesting him, as State's Attorney, to produce records and transcripts of the state grand jury proceedings. Carey moved to quash this subpoena, and the plaintiffs filed a cross-motion to order production of these materials. On April 3, 1979, the district court ordered Carey to turn over the materials to the plaintiffs. The district court's April 3 order said in pertinent part:

9

Plaintiffs have demonstrated that the evidence presented by witnesses who testified before the extended March 1975 Cook County Grand Jury 655 is otherwise unavailable to plaintiffs from other sources and is relevant to refresh the recollection of or to impeach recalcitrant witnesses. Certain grand jury testimony voluntarily released by the city defendants is inconsistent with discovery in this case. . . .

10

Under these circumstances, the court finds that the plaintiffs have demonstrated a compelling necessity with sufficient particularity for discovery of the grand jury transcripts. . . .

11

This order was subsequently modified on April 27, 1979 to permit Carey to

12

produce immediately that portion of the subpoenaed materials he thinks should be produced in the public interest and submit to the court the balance of the materials for a determination of whether, in fact, they ought not be disclosed to plaintiffs.

13

The April 27 order was entered after the commencement of the appeal from the original order of April 3. The April 27 modification is before this court pursuant to our order of September 5, 1979 remanding this case for the limited purpose of permitting entry of the April 27 modified order, which entry occurred on September 21, 1979. It is from this modified order that the plaintiff-appellee has cross-appealed. We need not at this time reach the issue whether the district court's order is too broad or not broad enough in its scope because we hold that in the circumstances of this case, notions of comity between the state and federal courts require that the plaintiffs first seek disclosure in the state court with supervisory powers over the grand jury.

 
<snip>
 

As we have already noted, of course, federal law determines the scope of the privilege covering these materials, and the requirement that these plaintiffs first seek disclosure through the avenues available to them in the state court does not give the state courts a veto over disclosure in this federal civil rights case. This preliminary stage is designed merely to forestall unnecessary intrusion by the federal courts in state grand jury proceedings or, at least, to ensure that the important state interest in secrecy is thoroughly considered. On the other hand, although the state court may determine that the materials are privileged under state law, only the federal court may determine whether the materials are privileged under federal common law. In this way the federal interest in disclosure will be properly considered preliminarily to a final decision on the privilege issue. See Douglas Oil, supra, 441 U.S. at 227-28, 99 S.Ct. at 1677. The federal court will be more familiar than the state court with the pending litigation and thus will be more familiar with the needs of the party requesting them.

17

In the event the plaintiffs are unsuccessful in obtaining disclosure in the state court, the federal district court very well may have to take custody of the grand jury materials and rule on specific requests for disclosure, taking into account the need for secrecy developed during the state disclosure proceeding. See id., (approving procedure whereby the district court supervising the grand jury made a written evaluation of the need for continued secrecy and a determination whether the evidence before it justified disclosure and then forwarded materials to the district court where civil case was pending); Sarbaugh, supra, 552 F.2d at 773 n. 5. Should the district court ultimately determine that disclosure is appropriate, the State's Attorney should be notified prior to disclosure, and the district court should stay disclosure for a time sufficient to preserve the secrecy of the materials pending an appeal by the State.5

18

Accordingly, the order of the district court is reversed and the cause remanded for proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion. Costs shall be awarded to the deponent-appellant.

 
 
 
 
 
by Daniel Brandt
 
From NameBase NewsLine, No. 10, July-September 1995
 
<snip>

It's the Chicago Police Department that holds the national record for dirty tricks, however. At times the intelligence unit swelled to 500, and in 1974, fearing a lawsuit, they destroyed files on 105,000 individuals and 1,300 organizations. Prominent citizens and civic groups were targeted as often as black nationalists. In 1967 a right-winger organized the Legion of Justice, which claimed five chapters in Chicago, each with forty to sixty members. These were essentially gangs, and they worked with the Chicago police to target left-wing groups. Many of their tactics were illegal, including burglaries to obtain files, bugging, harassment, and threats. Sometimes police staked out the scene to make sure the gang members weren't interrupted.[27]

 

Today officials in Chicago are involved in negotiations to ease the restrictions on police spying. These restrictions were imposed by a consent decree in 1982, after more than 60 organizations and individuals sued the city in 1974. Recently police superintendent Matt Rodriguez said that the limits on police spying are "keeping information from us that we should have with respect to potential criminal activity, potential terrorist activity that we could probably be investigating a lot more effectively." His position is supported by Mayor Richard M. Daley, whose father was mayor in the 1960s and 1970s.[28]

 

Despite the high incidence of civil unrest between 1963 and 1968, violence claimed no more than 220 lives and the victims were not the objects of protest but the protesters themselves: 20 civil rights workers and most of the rest ghetto-dwellers. During this period the civil strife death rate was 1.1 per million in this country, compared to a European rate of 2.4 per million.[29]

 

Nevertheless, many federal, state, and local agencies were willing to violate our civil rights, while others collected surveillance information with the expectation that it would be useful later, perhaps under martial law conditions. This suggests that our Constitution is much more fragile than most people assume.

 

The sixties were economic boom years, when a college degree, even in the humanities, seemed to promise a house and garden on Easy Street. There was a war in Vietnam that we could afford to lose: despite all the death and destruction, there were no essential American interests involved. And we had a war on poverty at home that raised consciousness and expectations, which a wealthy America could afford to win. But those who were not involved in either of the above, whether through support or opposition, must have comprised at least 80 percent of the population. The string-pullers know that this 80 percent tends to go along, in order to get along.

 

At the level of manipulation contemplated by the elites, there is no genuine left vs. right, no Democrat vs. Republican, no "women and people of color" vs. "angry white males." These are imposed artificially. In normal times there's a hodgepodge minority consisting of the elites, the suspicious, the desperate, the dispossessed, and those who think for themselves. Alongside this there's a hackneyed majority that continues to pursue their own narrow interests. Without the time or inclination to seek out information for themselves, they subsist on what they are fed by a centralized mass media.

 
 
 
 
 
Intelligence Report. Fall 1997. Issue 88
 
For years, law enforcement officials say, Brian Michael Knoff helped run a smuggling operation that brought tons of marijuana into the United States, grossed millions of dollars and, in the end, left at least one gang member dead.

 

But Knoff didn't buy yachts and entertain expensive women. He didn't own a house. To all appearances, he didn't live a lavish life.

 

Instead, officials say, Knoff was apparently sinking hundreds of thousands of dollars into the extreme right antigovernment movement ù money believed to have been spent on deadly arsenals, movement defense funds and, possibly, terrorist plots.

 

"I'm not in it for my own personal thing," Knoff once explained. "I want to get ... big enough where we can, we can help some of the good people."

 

Knoff, a fugitive for two years now, is not alone.

 

 Brian Michael Knoff

 

Across the United States, right-wing criminals, who have long relied on such perilous endeavors as robbing banks and running financial scams, seem to have discovered a new way to fund their subversive political activities. While such politically based drug-running was once restricted to revolutionary groups in countries like Colombia, Mexico and Peru, officials now believe it has arrived on American shores.

 

"There's a world-wide phenomenon in which antigovernment and separatist groups are using drugs to buy weapons and finance other activities," says Rensselaer Lee of Global Advisory Services, a Virginia-based firm that investigates the international drug trade. It is only natural, experts add, that drugs' easy profits should attract extremists here.

 

"Once you get into this (far-right) underworld, it's like any other criminal enterprise," says Oliver Revell, the retired deputy associate director of the FBI. "It's like Mafia street hoods. Once you've thrown over any recognition of (government) legitimacy, then you're going to do what is most available (to raise funds).

 

"Drugs today provide that."

 

The evidence that drugs are funding parts of the extreme right is growing. In July, Florida deputies busted a $500,000-a-year marijuana operation that local, state and federal authorities believe funded the right-wing underground. In Oregon, officials believe three men convicted of operating a major methamphetamine lab pumped a small fortune into the militia movement. In Georgia, police recently arrested two heavily armed men who may have been underwriting white supremacist activities with a drug operation.

 

The story of Brian Knoff appears to be a textbook case.

 

Taxes, land and drugs

 

Born in Grafton, N.D., 59 years ago, Knoff was raised as a Mormon but left the church after blacks were admitted, officials say. It's believed that in the late 1980s he became friendly with several members of the Posse Comitatus, a violent and anti-Semitic tax protest group. Three of those friends eventually went to prison for their part in a $4 million land swindle that was meant to raise money for the Posse.

 

In 1988, Knoff was himself convicted of tax evasion and was sent to a Texarkana prison. There, he met Clell Lagett Benton, a Mormon raised in Mexico. In 1992, officials say, ex-cons Benton and Knoff brought in Floridian Richard Allen Hammons to help launch a marijuana smuggling operation out of Palomas, in northern Mexico.

 

At first, the three bought small loads of poor quality pot from freelance Mexican dealers and moved it by truck to the New Mexico border, investigators say. But then Benton contacted Rene Saenz, who provided a link to the Sinaloa group, one of Mexico's biggest drug rings. After that, the Americans' operation took off.

 

They used a Cessna to fly tons of pot from a clandestine Mexican airstrip to North Dakota and Florida, officials say. From there, the drugs were distributed to Indiana, Florida, Pennsylvania and South Dakota. By 1994, the gang included 20 people.

 

But that year, with the three partners netting more than $1 million a year, Saenz was murdered in Mexico. He'd neglected to pay the Sinaloans a $1 million debt.

 

Through much of this period, Knoff was active in extreme right-wing circles. In Deming, N.M., he conducted weekly seminars on so-called Patriot and common-law theory. In April 1994, he was invited to a major conference hosted by E. Tom Stetson, a leading adherent of the racist Christian Identity religion and co-founder of the Unorganized Militia of Idaho. When Knoff's New Mexico home was searched later in the year, authorities found a virtual who's who of the far right in his address books.

 

Included among 30 major Patriot and white supremacist leaders were Louis Beam, a former Klansman and ambassador -at-large for the racist Aryan Nations; David and Randy Trochmann, co-founders of the Militia of Montana; Earl Jones, a prominent Identity preacher in New Mexico; Linda Thompson, whose videos about the Waco, Texas, debacle galvanized rightists; Kirk Lyons, a leading attorney for racist groups; and Greg Dixon, an Indiana preacher who is a strident tax protester and militia supporter.

 

"It's war, a two-way war," Knoff was captured saying in a 1994 police surveillance video made in El Paso. "What (the government) did in Waco, what they did to that (Randy Weaver) family in Idaho ... My attitude is, it's war. This is war."

 

A Cuban operation

 

On June 18, 1994, Knoff, Hammons and Benton met on a luxury boat in the waters off Tampa, Fla. The three men and others allegedly discussed plans to restart their smuggling operation with a bold new twist: They hoped to base their operations in Cuba, moving drugs from Latin America to the island and then on to the United States. They spoke of buying and selling arms, drug prices, profits, Cuban politics, interrogations, flying through storms to avoid radar. And they discussed their politics.

 

Unknown to them, they were being secretly recorded.

 

"We've got the same problem they've got," Hammons says of the Cubans. "It's our f---in' government. It has nothing to do with communism or anything else. It's these power-hungry bastards that are f---in' going to impose their will on every kind of culture."

 

"We're more communist than they are," Knoff replies.

 

"I don't care what I got to do to fight æem back," Hammons says.

 

"I'm the same way," Knoff answers.

 

Later that year, the three men were indicted on federal drug charges by a grand jury in New Mexico. Benton and Hammons, now serving time on those charges, would tell authorities later that they'd had a falling-out with Knoff, who fled after his indictment, leaving $162,000 in cash. Knoff, they said, had ripped them off for $1 million. They also told officials Knoff had urged them to put money into the Patriot movement.

 

Benton and Hammons alleged that Knoff had trafficked in heavy weaponry and sought to trade weapons for drugs. During this time, officials say, Knoff had obtained three full-automatic, fully suppressed Ruger 10/22s ù illegal machine guns capable of firing rapidly and almost silently.

 

Knoff and his friends "called themselves Patriots," Hammons told authorities in a prison interview. "They forecast the doom of this government ... [and said] the republic that was actually established in this country is long gone, that the common-law jurisdiction was the original jurisdiction that this country was founded on."

 

Last July, a similar case came up.

 

Cyanide gas and white supremacy

 

Northeast of Gainesville, Fla., sheriff's deputies on a marijuana-eradication exercise came across a large patch of the drug. Executing a search warrant on a house rented by Danny Ray Simmons and girlfriend Angela Louise Cooke two days later, they found more drugs -- and they stumbled onto an extensive arsenal.

 

There were numerous assault rifles, a 12-gauge "street sweeper" shotgun, cases of ammunition, even a .50-caliber sniper's rifle. More frightening, they discovered potassium cyanide and a shopping list for other chemicals -- chemicals that when put together form deadly cyanide gas. Ingredients for pipe bombs and the explosive compound RDX, along with gas masks, were also found. And, officials say, there were 811 marijuana plants, indoor growing equipment and $47,000 in cash.

 

Officials say Simmons is dedicated to white supremacy, common-law theory and the militia movement. Evidence backing up that contention was found in the house, including a trove of far-right literature, paramilitary training and militia propaganda videos, and the addresses of several Klan and militia leaders, including private numbers for Michigan militia figures Norm Olson and Ray Southwell. There was also a Patriot publication that Simmons appeared to be in the process of editing.

 

Simmons pulled up to the house during the search, but immediately fled into the woods when he spotted the deputies. Deputies arrested Cooke, but she was bailed out a short time later. Both Simmons and Cooke are now fugitives.

 

Deputies estimate the marijuana operation was grossing a minimum $500,000 a year. Local, state and federal authorities say they believe that Simmons was funneling his profits in the far-right underground.

 

In a third case, Edwin Dale McClain was convicted earlier this year of operating what officials say was the biggest methamphetamine lab in Oregon history. Officials say that McClain and the two other men convicted in the ring, which apparently operated for several years, were linked to antigovernment groups in Arizona and Montana.

 

When police searched McClain's home near Yakima, Wash., they seized a $1 million fake cashier's check signed by imprisoned Montana Freemen leader LeRoy Schweizer. They believe McClain had attended a Schweizer seminar.

 

After the arrests, federal prosecutors said they believed that the drug rings's profits ù conceivably, as much as $6 million ù went into militias.

 

Other cases continue to pop up. In Locust Grove, Ga., for instance, police found marijuana, methamphetamine, 30 weapons and pipe bomb components in the mobile home of Stephen Harper and Shelby Reynolds. The couple, who police suspect may also have been selling guns, were charged with drug trafficking after the July bust.

 

Police also found white supremacist literature, bumper stickers and cartoons, along with paper silhouettes of ATF agents for target practice.

 

"Harper has all the signs of someone involved in the militia movement," said police Lt. Michael Tate, who defused explosives at Harper's home. "One of the things these [extremists] do to raise money for their deeds is narcotics trafficking."

 

Traditionally, American right-wing extremists have shied away from drugs, seeing them as part of a corrupt society they loathe. But that appears to have changed, at least among some factions. Revell, the retired FBI official, says many extremists "don't believe in the use of drugs, but they will sell drugs in much the way Islamic terrorists do. They sell drugs because it is going to the infidel, the non-believer."

 

The extremist right has always had big plans. In the 1960s, the Minutemen worked for a revolution. In the 1970s, the Posse Comitatus wanted to destroy the power of the federal government. The Order planned for race war during in the 1980s. Now, militant racists strive for an all-white nation in the Pacific Northwest.

 

But the problem has always been money.

 

The Minutemen stole heavy weapons but were caught. Posse financial scams landed key activists in jail. The Order robbed $3.8 million from armored cars, but their dramatic attacks ended with the capture of most members. Today, those who would make revolution are discovering what the once drug-shy Mafia found out long ago.

 

"Drugs," as Lt. Tate explains, "are a high cash-flow operation."

 

 

 

 

 

In Their Words:

 

"We can help some good people"

 

On June 18, 1994, on a luxury boat in the waters off Tampa, Fla., Clell Lagett Benton and Richard Allen Hammons, now serving time for drug trafficking, spoke with their alleged partner, Brian Michael Knoff, who is a federal fugitive. The men were surreptitiously recorded as they allegedly discussed setting up a new drug operation based in Cuba after a Mexican operation collapsed. They also mentioned their antigovernment views and desire to help others with similar politics. What follows is an edited, partial transcript:

 

Hammons: If I can do anything for Cuba I'm striking a blow against this f---in' (American) government. Any way I can help them survive and keep the politics the way it is in Cuba, I

 

I'll do it. I, you know, I'm just tired of the bullshit. I've f---in', I don't care what I got to do to fight æem back.

 

Knoff: I'm the same way.

 

Hammons: ... I think that we can make some good money. We gotta do something else anyway. We can't wait and take our time thinking about this shit either. ...

 

Benton: I got the connection in Mexico to do anything. ...

 

Hammons: They won't f--k with you in Cuba.

 

Benton: None. No, no, in Cuba it's gonna be...

 

Hammons: They call it the pearl of the Caribbean There's nothing better than Cuba if you get to live there. ... There was a lot of pot comin' in there. They were bringin' there through Columbia and they were putting it right in Cuba and you could pick it up in Cuba. ... I know damn well that the authorities down there are into the drug trafficking business.

 

Knoff: Mm hmm.

 

Hammons: ... You can sit right there in Cuba until it's time to take off and when the weather's right to take off where they can't track you, you can bring it into f---in' Florida as easy you can anywhere. ... If you're hauling' something like skunk (marijuana), it's just about like hauling cocaine. It's a small package. You don't have to haul 1,000 pounds to make a lot of money. Haul 400 pounds and make a ton of money. Shit sells for $2,500 a pound wholesale, and if you're growin' it, that, oh, damn near pure profit besides what you pay off. ... It probably wouldn't take $100 a pound in Cuba. ...

 

Knoff: I'm not in it for my own personal thing. ... I want to get, ah, a little bit of, big enough where we can, we can help some of the good people.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Still At Large

 

A surprising number of antigovernment fugitives, some of them nationally known, remain on the run

  

Some of them are famous, or infamous, like accused abortion clinic and Olympics bomber Eric Robert Rudolph. others are little known to the general public, such as Timothy Thomas Coombs, a man accused of shooting a Missouri state highway patrol officer through the trooper's window as he sat eating ice cream.

They are all alleged right-wing extremists, men who may have taken up arms to battle the federal government or other enemies. And they all have been on the run from authorities, in some cases for a matter of years, managing to elude major state or federal manhunts.

 

Although there is no direct proof that these men have received sustained help from others in the radical right, many analysts and authorities believe they must have — a theory supported by experiences with similar radical fugitives in the past. Here, assuming they are still alive, are their stories.

 

Federal and state officials have been searching for almost five years for Timothy Thomas Coombs, a 39-year-old adherent of the anti-Semitic Christian Identity religion. Coombs is accused of shooting Cpl. Bobbie J. Harper, a Missouri state trooper, to avenge the arrest of another right-wing religious extremist.

 

On Sept. 16, 1994, a sniper shot Harper with a bullet that barely missed his heart as he stood at his kitchen window in McDonald County, near the Arkansas border. (Harper died of apparently unrelated heart disease in 1996.)

 

Coombs was allegedly enraged at Harper's role in the arrest of Robert Joos, pastor of the Sacerdotal Order of David Company, who was ultimately convicted of resisting arrest and carrying a concealed weapon.

 

Police linked Coombs to the attempted murder by shell casings found at his Witt Springs, Ark., home. He has been tied to a number of extremists, including the antigovernment Montana Freemen and accused white supremacist murderer Chevie Kehoe. His father, Harry Albert Coombs Jr., 63, has served time for tax evasion.

 

Michigan militiaman Paul David Darland, who once served as a bodyguard for the hardline leader of the U.S. Militia at Large (USML), is being sought in the 1994 execution-style murder of another militia member.

 

The chain of events leading to the killing began when Darland and several other camouflage-clad followers of USML leader Mark "from Michigan" Koernke were pulled over in September by Fowlerville, Mich., police who found a virtual arsenal in their car.

 

After posting bond, the men, who included Darland and William M. Gleason, then 26, disappeared, eventually holing up at a militia sympathizer's farm. While there, Darland and two other men allegedly became enraged at Koernke, who had promised legal help that never came. At the same time, they suspected that Gleason had remained loyal to Koernke.

 

Darland allegedly led the group in taking turns digging a grave meant for Koernke. When Gleason took his turn, police say, Darland shot him as he shoveled. Authorities believe that Darland, a 27-year-old habitué of topless clubs who once eluded police by swimming across a lake, may have left the state.

 

Five years after being indicted on federal drug charges, alleged right-wing mastermind Brian Michael Knoff is still a fugitive. Knoff, now 61, is accused of having built up a major drug smuggling operation in connection with the Sinaloa mafia in Mexico, among others, to finance revolutionary white supremacist activities.

 

When his New Mexico home was searched in 1994, an address book was found with the names of 30 major radical right-wing leaders.

 

That same year, Knoff gave seminars on "common-law" theory, and was invited to a major conference hosted by a leading Christian Identity adherent. On June 18, Knoff and two associates, speaking on a luxury yacht in the waters off Tampa, Fla., were surreptitiously recorded as they discussed plans to set up a major marijuana-smuggling operation through Cuba.

 

Knoff said he wanted to use his profits to "help some of the good people" in the antigovernment movement. Knoff, who once served time for tax evasion, has operated in Florida, North Dakota and Texas, among other places.

 

Twelve days after Dr. Barnett Slepian was shot in his kitchen on Oct. 23, 1998, federal authorities announced they were seeking longtime anti-abortion hardliner James Charles Kopp as a material witness. Slepian, an obstetrician-gynecologist who lived in Amherst, N.Y., was shot through the back and died as his wife and 15-year-old son looked on.

 

Kopp, 44, has been arrested during clinic blockades in California, Florida, New Jersey, New York, Vermont, West Virginia and Atlanta, where in 1988 he earned the nickname "Atomic Dog" while imprisoned with fellow hardliners.

 

Although he has not been named as a suspect, Kopp allegedly was seen by witnesses jogging near Slepian's house on the day of the murder. A car registered to him was spotted nearby. A hair believed to belong to Kopp was found near the scene.

 

And records show Kopp's 1987 Chevrolet Cavalier had crossed the U.S.-Canadian border at times that would fit with the unsolved shootings of at least two other doctors.

 

A task force of 50 agents has failed to find Kopp, who authorities now believe may have fled to Mexico.

 

A year after three antigovernment survivalists allegedly gunned down Cortez, Colo., police officer Dale Claxton, Jason Wayne McVean, 27, and Alan "Monte" Pilon, 31, remain fugitives in the face one of the largest searches in Western history.

McVean, Pilon and a third man, Robert Mason, allegedly murdered Claxton on May 29, 1998, after the officer stopped them in a water truck they had just stolen for reasons that remain unclear.

 

Six days later, Mason shot and wounded a sheriff's deputy near Montezuma Creek, Utah,, then committed suicide. Despite a number of sightings around the harsh canyon country of the Four Corners region, state and federal authorities have not captured McVean or Pilon, and there is evidence that they may be getting help.

 

In January, there were reports that vehicles have been seen in suspicious areas near Montezuma Creek. A month later, Navajo police said two men who did not resemble McVean or Pilon threatened a local resident who had given authorities information about the pair.

 

The fugitives are believed linked to an underground group, the Four Corners Patriot Militia.

 

Larry Mikeil Myers, the one-time commander of Florida's Highlander Militia, 7th Regiment, has been sought for more than three years on charges of conspiracy, mailing threats and attempted jury tampering.

 

Myers, a 50-year-old man who is said to be knowledgeable in the use of explosives, disappeared after a federal grand jury indicted a group of people in Florida connected with the so-called "Constitutional Common-Law Court of We the People."

 

Emilio Ippolito, now 73, and seven others were ultimately convicted of charges that included threatening to hang federal judges and other officials. Ippolito drew a sentence of more than 11 years. Myers is accused of, among other things, attempting to influence jurors in the San Francisco trial of a fellow antigovernment extremist, Phillip Marsh, an Ippolito co-defendant in Florida.

 

Law enforcement officials believe that Myers has been aided by fellow "Patriots" in Florida. Last year, evidence surfaced that Myers might have made his way to North Carolina.

 

Despite one of the largest manhunts in United States history, accused serial bomber Eric Robert Rudolph remains at large, perhaps hiding in the 530,000-acre wilderness of western North Carolina's Nantahala National Forest.

 

Rudolph, an adherent of Christian Identity theology, is charged with four bombings that left two people dead, including a police officer, and 124 others injured: the July 27, 1996, bombing at Centennial Olympic Park in Atlanta; the Jan. 16, 1997, bombing of an Atlanta area abortion clinic; the Feb. 21, 1997, bombing of a lesbian nightclub in Atlanta; and the Jan. 29, 1998, bombing of a Birmingham, Ala., abortion clinic.

 

Authorities believe that Rudolph, an accomplished woodsman, is surviving without help in the caves and old mines near his boyhood home. But he has also become a folk hero to some in the area. In July, it took a health store owner four days to report his encounter with Rudolph, despite a $1 million reward. Rudolph is believed to have broken into a dozen area cabins for supplies.

 

After discovering a large patch of marijuana northeast of Gainesville, Fla., in July 1997, police raided the nearby house of Danny Ray Simmons and girlfriend Angela Louise Cook. What they found amazed them.

 

In addition to a large quantity of marijuana, 811 live pot plants and growing equipment, there was $47,000 in cash; sophisticated false IDs; an arsenal including numerous assault rifles, cases of ammunition and a .50-caliber sniper's rifle; ingredients for pipe bombs, the explosive compound RDX; and, most frightening, some of the ingredients and a shopping list for making deadly cyanide gas.

 

They also found extremist literature — including a publication Simmons appeared to be writing — and addresses of militia and Klan leaders. Simmons, now 50, arrived while the house was being searched but fled into the woods and escaped. Cook, 49, bonded out of jail and disappeared.

 

Simmons may have been making $500,000 a year and using some profits to fund antigovernment activities. He is wanted on federal and state drug and weapons charges. Cook is being sought on firearms violations.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Richard Allen Hammons, Petitioner-appellant, v. the Sheriff of Jefferson County, Texas, Respondent-appellee 

United States Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit. - 901 F.2d 59

May 11, 1990

 

1

Appellant, Richard Allen Hammons, brought this habeas corpus proceeding against the Sheriff of Jefferson County, Texas, claiming that he was improperly held under a defective warrant issued by the United States in connection with violation of his parole by committing another crime while on parole. The warrant did have an error in it. It indicated that the parole grew out of a sentence for one federal conviction when it actually grew out of the sentence for another federal conviction. The district court denied habeas corpus. We affirm.

2

In 1978, Hammons was convicted of the federal offense of possession with intent to distribute mariuana in Indiana. He was given a three year sentence and a special parole term of two years. After he completed his incarceration, and while he was serving the special parole, he was convicted in North Carolina of the federal offense of conspiracy to possess with intent to distribute methaqualone. Since this drug offense was committed while Hammons was on parole, his parole was revoked. After his release from federal penitentiary on the North Carolina offense, he began to serve over again the two year special parole term from the Indiana offense.

3

While Hammons was serving the special parole term again, he was arrested for possession of marihuana as a Texas state criminal offense. A parole violator's warrant was issued but held in accordance with common practice and was served after he completed his term for the Texas offense. It is this warrant that is in question. It incorrectly stated that the special parole term which he was serving grew out of the North Carolina conviction rather than out of the Indiana conviction. It is Hammons's contention that he is improperly held under this warrant because the warrant under which he is being detained is defective.

 

 

 
 
 
 
THE MINUTEMEN
 
 
 
 
 
 
The Minuteman

A review of FBI files on the Minutemen revealed a possible plot against Dr. King's life that had received some attention by law enforcement officials shortly before Dr. King's death. On January 15, 1968, Vincent DePalma, a close associate of Robert B. DePugh, the founder of the Minutemen told a Denver agent of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) that he had defected from the Minutemen and wished to supply information.(1) DePalma revealed that there were 19 Minutemen strike teams across the United States assigned to assassinate several prominent persons, including Dr. King, in the event DePugh was ever imprisoned. (2) According to DePalma, the Minutemen also planned to incite race riots in the summer of 1968.(3)

After it received this information from the ATF, the FBI attempted unsuccessfully to locate DePalma, who had said he was moving to

1The Minutemen organization was fervently anti-Communist. In 1968, it believed that leftist infiltration of the Government had progressed to the extent that America could no longer be saved by the traditional political process. Members were trained in guerilla warfare techniques. Dr. King was viewed by the Minutemen as a Communist and an enemy of the American people.

The committee found numerical estimates of Minutemen membership in 1968 to be unreliable.

Page 376

Oregon. (4) As for DePugh, he disappeared in February 1968 following his indictment by a Federal grand jury in Seattle, Wash., for conspiracy to commit bank robbery. The FBI made no further attempts to investigate the threat until shortly after Dr. King's assassination, when one of DePalma's Minutemen associates, Edward Baumgardner, told a reporter that the artist's drawing of the suspected assassin resembled DePalma. (5) Baumgardner was interviewed several times by the FBI. He said that he and DePalma were members of a Minutemen strike team that had been formed at a training camp in Colorado during the summer of 1967. Baumgardner repeated the information that DePalma had provided ATF and said DePalma had been assigned the code name Willard. (James Earl Ray used the alias John Willard when renting a room in a roominghouse in Memphis on April 4, 1968.) (6)

DePalma was located by the FBI several days after Dr. King was killed. He again detailed information on the Minutemen strike teams that had targeted Dr. King and on Minutemen plans to precipitate race riots in the summer of 1968 as a means of facilitating a takeover of the Government.

Work records showed that DePalma was in Newport, R.I., on April 4, 1968. Information he furnished during 3 days of interviews was verified by several FBI offices. (7) DePugh and his chief associate in the Minutemen, Walter Peyson, remained fugitives until their capture in July 1969. There was nothing in the FBI files to reflect they were ever interviewed regarding possible involvement of the Minutemen in the assassination of Dr. King.

The committee found that the DePalma lead had not been fully investigated by the FBI, so it examined it anew. It found that DePalma had been murdered in an unsolved gangland slaying in January 1978 in Los Angeles. (8) The committee did locate and interview four persons who had attended the Colorado training camp in the summer of 1967. Both Jerry Brooks,(9) an associate of DePugh's for at least 12 years, and Mary Tollerton,(10) DePugh's secretary until late 1967, denied knowing of any plot to kill Dr. King. Although Brooks told of other assassination plots by the Minutemen and of intelligence files on Dr. King and other "subversives," Tollerton claimed that these activities were not serious. Tollerton added that DePugh had trouble keeping the organization together in 1968 while avoiding capture, so he could not have been involved in Dr. King's assassination. Walter Peyson (11) and Robert DePugh, (12) brought to Washington under subpoena, testified under oath that they were not involved in any plot to kill Dr. King. They insisted that all discussions of assassination plots and strike teams were mere paper propaganda.(13) Both Peyson and DePugh also explained that because DePalma and Baumgardner were believed to be infiltrators, they were often fed false information.

As a final investigative step, the committee compiled a list of all individuals associated with the Minutemen in the cities visited by James Earl Ray following his escape in April 1967 from Missouri State Penitentiary. This list was cross-checked against a list of known or possible Ray associates. The results were negative.

Page 377

Based on the testimony it heard, interviews with the assistant U.S. attorney who prosecuted DePugh and Peyson in 1966 and ATF agents who had encountered DePugh, extensive file reviews and the Ray associates name check, the committee concluded there was insufficient evidence to indicate that the Minutemen were involved in Dr. King's death.
 
 
 
 
 
In 1968 the Minutmen blew-up a the Redmond, WA police station and attempted to rob three Seattle banks. Several top Minutemen were closely tied to Wesley Swift's church, among them Dennis Mower, a certified identity preacher; Walter Peyson, who joined the church the same time as Richard G. Butler; and Kieth Gilbert.  
 
 
 
 
RICHARD LAUCHLI, TOM MOSELEY AND THE MINUTEMEN

 

Richard Albert Lauchli of Collinsville, Illinois, was an arms dealer who had supplied Fidel in the late 1950's. Richard Lauchli was co-founder of the Minutemen in the St. Louis, Missouri, area until September 1962, when he parted company with Minutemen co-founder Robert DePugh. CIA Office of Security traces on him were heavily deleted. [Allen v. DOD CIA] The Minutemen was organized in June 1960 by right-wing paramilitarists whose goal was to become a partisan guerrilla force after the Soviets took over the United States. Minutemen literature furnished instructions in the use of explosives and also gave details for the making of explosive compounds from such readily accessible ingredients as a common fertilizer, ammonium nitrate.

 

OSWALD wrote: "There have already been a few organizations who have declosed that they shall become effective only after conflict between the two world systems leaves the world country without defense or foundation of government, organizations such as the minutemen for instance...The armed groups will represent the remaining hard core of feninatical american capitalist suportors...there will allso be anarchist pacifist and quit probably fasist grou splinter groups however all these unlike the minute men and communite partesin groups, will be unarmed." [WCE 25 p14] He also wrote: "There are organizations already formed in the United States, who have declared they shall become effective only after the military debacle of the United States. Organizations such as the Minutemen...are simply preparing to redefend in their own back yards, a system which they take for granted will be defeated militarily elsewhere, a strange thing to hear from 'patriots.' These armed groups represent hard core American Capitalist supporter's. There will also be a small armed communist and probably fascist groups. There will also be anarchist and religious groups at work."

 

Richard Lauchli was a paratrooper in World War II, was fined $100 in 1957 for possessing firearms unlawfully transferred or made. In 1960 he was fined $500 for burglary of 23 bazookas. He was arrested at the Minutemen training session at Shiloh, Illinois, in 1961 but charges of illegal possession of weapons were dropped.

 

Richard Lauchli and Donald Sturgis were arrested after on May 19, 1964, after a high speed chase over country roads near Clinton, Illinois. Treasury agents who made the arrest set up a trap to buy a large supply of weapons in the name of South American revolutionaries. Posing as buyers, agents set up the sale and arranged to close the deal at a farm house near Clinton. Richard Lauchli and Donald Sturgis received $17,000 in marked bills.

 
 
 
 
 
 
In June 1970 William Turner of RAMPARTS, who had referred to Giesbrecht in two 1968 articles, reported once again on developments within the Minutemen organization, which he had suspected was “the group” planning to meet in Kansas City, as described by Giesbrecht.[73] [Even though the FBI did determine that the Townhouse Motor Hotel was actually in Wichita, and indicated in a report that no sales meeting had been scheduled there for March 18, 1964, they didn’t seem to consider the likelihood that it would have been cancelled.] Turner had been subpoenaed by lawyers representing Robert DePugh, founder of the Minutemen, who had been charged with jumping bail on an illegal weapons charge. Before being caught in New Mexico, DePugh, disguised as a hippie, had been on the run for 18 months (which became the basis of his 1973 publication entitled CAN YOU SURVIVE: GUIDELINES FOR RESISTANCE TO TYRANNY FOR YOU AND YOUR FAMILY), convinced that “an opposing element of the radical right had marked him for death.” DePugh had suggested to Turner in October 1967 that a splinter group of former Minutemen were attempting to promote fascism in the United States “in the guise of anti-Communism.” In regard to the Kennedy assassination, Turner (at the urging of Garrison) “posed the possibility that renegade Minutemen had been involved…DePugh readily agreed, saying that he had some evidence that might explain unanswered questions abut events in Dealey Plaza in Dallas.” A few months after making this comment, DePugh had disappeared, in fear for his life, suspecting that the FBI itself “was in cahoots with this very element.” Although the possibility of collusion between the FBI and a fascist organization such as the American Nazi Party sounds hard to believe, DePugh’s comment reminded me of an earlier discovery while looking through old copies of the extreme anti-Communist magazine AMERICAN MERCURY. Amongst the regular contributors of this Bible of hate-mongers were such notable individuals as General Walker of Dallas,[74] whom Oswald allegedly fired on in the spring of 1963; Professor Revilo Oliver from Illinois,[75] George Lincoln Rockwell, founder of the ANP,[76] and none other than J. Edgar Hoover himself[77]—four “experts” on the spread of Communism within the U.S.A
 
DePugh also revealed in his 1970 interview with Turner that he had spoken directly to Garrison in October 1967 (not long after Garrison’s contact with Giesbrecht) and verified that three individuals being investigated by Garrison were at one time members of the Minutemen (possibly including Ferrie and Banister). Turner learned from DePugh that “some of his former members are literally Nazis, having gone over to the ANP,”[78] which included John Pratler,[79] convicted of assassinating George Lincoln Rockwell in August 1967, firing at him from a rooftop as the ANP leader prepared to drive away from a laundromat.[80] According to DePugh, the ANP was chiefly financed by a prominent Texas millionaire (a member of the Hunt family perhaps?), and had become associated with a “sympathetic clique” based in California calling itself “the Real Minutemen,” suggesting that DePugh’s organization was becoming soft from the point of view of certain extremists.
     
It would appear that DePugh had good reason to fear for his life, according to a “reliable reporter” referred to in Turner’s 1970 article. Allegedly, “a sometime employee of Guy Banister’s New Orleans detective agency” had tape-recorded evidence between himself and a “right-winger in Denver” of a $7500 offer to have DePugh killed, along with DePugh’s associate Walter Peyson, both of whom were fugitives at the time.
     
Robert DePugh’s activities during the early sixties are also discussed at length in the 1987 book ARMED AND DANGEROUS, by James Coates.[81] According to Coates, who had covered the HSCA hearings in 1978, DePugh had posters printed only a few months after Kennedy’s assassination, warning twenty members of Congress who had voted in favour of a bill that DePugh feared would lead to the abolition of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. It is interesting to note that the content of the posters had originally been printed on the front page of the Minutemen’s “hate sheet” ON TARGET (whose logo was a picture of the cross hairs of a telescopic sight) shortly before the assassination and read as follows:

   See the old man on the corner where you buy your paper? He may have a silencer-equipped pistol under his coat. That extra fountain pen in the pocket of the insurance salesman that calls on you might be a cyanide-gas gun. What about your milk-man? Arsenic works slow but sure. Your auto mechanic may stay up nights studying booby traps. These patriots are not going to let you take their freedom away from them. They have learned the silent knife, the strangler’s cord, the target rifle that hits sparrows at 200 yards. Only their leaders restrain them.
  
Traitors beware! Even now the cross hairs are on the back of your necks…[82]

      Kennedy himself was certainly considered a traitor by both the “anti-Castro” movement and neo-Nazis, such as the Minutemen and the John Birch Society. In fact, a “Wanted For Treason” poster showing his “mug shot” and a long list of “crimes” was circulated in Dallas prior to Kennedy’s arrival.[83] A full-page advertisement in the DALLAS MORNING NEWS on November 22 (with its ominous-looking thick black border) attacking his policies also reflected the animosity that existed. Coupled with DePugh’s jailhouse comments to Turner, it could be that one of those “target rifles” was aimed at JFK’s neck by renegade “patriots” unwilling to be restrained any longer.
     
The FBI actually received a warning that “a militant revolutionary group may attempt to assinated (sic) President Kennedy on his proposed trip to Dallas…”[84] The memo was dated November 17, 1963, and sent from Washington D.C. to all Special Agents In Charge. This included the New Orleans office where security guard William Walter took note of the warning as it came over the telex at 1:45 a.m. He contacted five local SACs and wrote their names at the bottom of the bulletin.[85] While having his hair cut on November 22, Walter learned to his chagrin that Kennedy had been assassinated and ran back to the office where he reread the warning. Later that day he typed a copy, which he took home, which he provided to the 1975 Senate Intelligence Committee. (It was subsequently printed in the Feb. 1978 special edition of the L.A. FREE PRESS and is also referred to by Garrison in his book ON THE TRAIL…). It should be noted that when Walter decided to look at the original again after the FBI’s “lone assassin” conclusions became public knowledge (through intentional leaks to the press) in Dec. 1963, it had disappeared and has not surfaced since.[86]
     
In his book ARMED AND DANGEROUS, Coates also points out in a brief discussion of the Garrison investigation that the New Orleans D.A. (now an appellate court judge in New Orleans) [he died in the fall of 1992] claimed to uncover “…evidence that the triggerman, Lee Harvey Oswald, was a member of the heavily armed extremists known as Minutemen”.[87] Although there is no convincing evidence to prove this assertion, a large number of Minutemen were charged with a variety of crimes, including evidence that “…many group members had been assigned assassination targets, including President Johnson and UN Ambassador Arthur Goldberg”.[88] Again the possibility that Kennedy was also on that list comes immediately to mind.
     
As paranoid as ever, DePugh wrote urgently to his readers in the April 1, 1964, edition of ON TARGET to purchase a weapon immediately, recommending a number of different high-powered weapons for males, females and even children, suggesting their lives might “depend on it.”[89] Just as DePugh had indicated losing members to the ANP under George Rockwell, the head of the ANP mentioned to author Harry Jones of Kansas City (THE MINUTEMEN) in a March 1967 interview, that “…Minutemen had recruited dozens of his members,”[90] although there was the strong possibility of infiltration and counterinfiltration taking place between the two organizations.
     
According to Turner, Rockwell also had connections to Guy Banister, the former FBI agent from Chicago, who ran the Anti-Communism League of the Caribbean in New Orleans until his death in 1964. Banister worked “closely with American Nazi Party members…,”[91] which included association with Maurice Gatlin, who was both a partner in Banister’s “league” and Rockwell’s attorney in that area of the country.[92]
     
Banister was also closely associated with the anti-Castro movement and, according to a number of witnesses, including his secretary at 544 Camp/531 Lafayette (a corner office with entrances on both streets), was also in frequent contact with Lee Harvey Oswald.[93] In fact, the address “544 Camp” was stamped on some of the leaflets Oswald began handing out in August, 1963 [which it turns out had been mailed from CIA headquarters, as pointed out by Jim DiEugenio], although the material encouraged readers to support Castro through the Fair Play For Cuba Committee—a chapter established by Oswald himself. Numerous books have suggested that these activities were nothing more than a ploy designed to provide a fictitious “pro-Castro” image for Oswald,[94] but for reasons that even Oswald was not aware of prior to his arrest in Dallas. By then he knew that he had undoubtedly been set up.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

401 F2d 346 Robert Bolivar Depugh v. United States of America

401 F.2d 346

68-2 USTC P 15,866

Robert Bolivar DePUGH, Appellant,
v.
UNITED STATES of America, Appellee.
Walter P. PEYSON, Appellant,
v.
UNITED STATES of America, Appellee.
Troy HAUGHTON, Appellant,
v.
UNITED STATES of America, Appellee.




Nos. 18732, 18733 and 18772.

United States Court of Appeals Eighth Circuit.

Sept. 30, 1968.

Charles B. Blackmar, St. Louis, Mo., for appellants, DePugh and Peyson; Albert L. Rendlen, of Rendlen & Rendlen, Hannibal, Mo., William H. Costello, and William J. Gilwee, Kansas City, Mo., on the briefs.

William J. Gilwee, Kansas City, Mo., for appellant Haughton; J. Whitfield Moody and John J. Cosgrove, Legal Aid & Defender Society of Greater Kansas City, Kansas City, Mo., on the briefs.

Anthony P. Nugent, Jr., Asst. U.S. Atty., Kansas City, Mo., for appellee; F. Russell Millin, former U.S. Atty., and Calvin K. Hamilton, present U.S. Atty., on the briefs.

Before MEHAFFY, GIBSON and LAY, Circuit Judges.

PER CURIAM.

1

Defendants DePugh, Peyson and Haughton were convicted by trial to a jury of violations of the National Firearms Act. The indictment was cast in three counts.1

2

The first count charges each of the named defendants with conspiracy to violate (1) 26 U.S.C. 5811, by transferring firearms as difined in 26 U.S.C. 5848, without paying the required tax; (2) 26 U.S.C. 5821, by making firearms as defined in 26 U.S.C. 5848, without paying the required tax; and (3) 26 U.S.C. 5851, by receiving and possessing firearms as difined in 26 U.S.C. 5848, which had not been registered as required by 26 U.S.C. 5841.

3

Count II charges DePugh and Peyson with violation of 26 U.S.C. 5851, through possession of a single specifically described firearm on which the making tax had not been paid and the declaration of intention to make had not been filed in violation of 18 U.S.C. 2, and 26 U.S.C. 5851 and 5861.

4

Count III charges DePugh and Peyson with unlawfully possessing firearms which had not been registered as required by 26 U.S.C. 5841, in violation of 18 U.S.C. 2, and 26 U.S.C. 5851 and 5861.

5

The three defendants were associated with the Minute Men organization. DePugh was the National Coordinator; Peyson, an employee of DePugh, was involved in the operation; and Haughton was the West Coast Coordinator for the organization.

6

Motions in arrest of judgment and for new trial were timely filed and denied by the district court, its opinions being reported in 266 F.Supp. 417, 266 F.Supp. 435 and 266 F.Supp. 453 (W.D.Mo.1967).

7

When the case was originally submitted to this court, we directed that additional briefs be filed in view of the Supreme Court's opinion in Haynes v. United States, 390 U.S. 85, 88 S.Ct. 722, 19 L.Ed.2d 923 (1968).

8

The Government concedes that Haynes, supra, requires a reversal and remand for new trial on Count I, striking therefrom the allegations of conspiracy to violate 26 U.S.C. 5851 by possession of an unregistered firearm required to be registered under the provisions of 26 U.S.C. 5841. The Government also concedes that Count III must be reversed and remanded with directions to dismiss this count upon the authority of Haynes, supra, since that count charges DePugh and Peyson with a violation of 26 U.S.C. 5851 by possession of an unregistered firearm.

9

The concessions of the Government are proper insofar as they go. See Sizemore v. United States, 393 F.2d 656 (8th Cir. 1968); Drennon v. United States, 393 F.2d 342 (8th Cir. 1968); Dillon v. United States, 389 F.2d 381 (8th Cir. 1968); and Cedillo v. United States, 391 F.2d 607 (9th Cir. 1968).

10

The problem we have, therefore, is determination of whether the transfer and making charges in the conspiracy count as well as Count II survive Haynes and the rationale of the gambling cases handed down by the Supreme Court on the same day-- Marchetti v. United States, 390 U.S. 39, 88 S.Ct. 697, 19 L.Ed.2d 889 (1968), and Grosso v. United States, 390 U.S. 62, 88 S.Ct. 716, 19 L.Ed.2d 906 (1968).

11

Preliminarily, we note that each of the Supreme Court cases cited above gives complete and exhaustive treatment to the subject of self-incrimination, and we therefore retrain from a repetition of the cases, statutes and regulations cited therein insofar as possible. We call attention to the fact that this is a Missouri case and that Missouri statutes make it unlawful for any person to sell, deliver, transport, possess or control any machine gun.2 Additionally, we note that Grosso, supra, holds that a defendant may not be convicted of a conspiracy to evade payment of the tax if the constitutional privilege would properly prevent his conviction for failure to pay the tax.

COUNT I

12

After eliminating the properly conceded charge of registering a firearm, there remain the charges of conspiracy to transfer and to make firearms as described by 5848 without the tax having been paid thereon. There is no contention that the firearms are not of a description defined by the federal statute and neither is it contended that defendants failed to assert their constitutional privilege against self-incrimination.

13

The Government in its supplemental brief suggests that we reverse and remand Count I only insofar as it alleges a conspiracy to make, but advances no argument or suggestion as to disposition of the transfer charge in Count I.3

14

This is of no consequence, however, as we have concluded that insofar as the charge of defendants being transferors or makers is concerned, the teachings of Haynes, Marchetti and Grosso, supra, leave us no alternative but to reverse Count I in its entirety with an order to dismiss the count. This is so because a transferor and a maker are required by federal statute and treasury regulations to file self-incriminating applications in the same form as the one discussed by the Supreme Court in Haynes, supra. The Court held filing of such applications was self-incriminating and a properly asserted plea of self-incrimination constituted 'a full defense to prosecutions either for failure to a firearm under 5841 or for possession of an unregistered firearm under 5851.' Haynes, supra, 390 U.S. at 100, 88 S.Ct. at 732.

15

The Transferor.

Title 26 U.S.C. 5814 provides in part:

16

'(a) General requirements.-- It shall be unlawful for any person to transfer a firearm except in pursuance of a written order from the person seeking to obtain such article, on an application form issued in blank in duplicate for that purpose by the Secretary or his delegate. Such order shall identify the applicant by such means of identification as may be prescribed by regulations under this chapter: Provided, That, if the applicant is an individual, such identification shall include fingerprints and a photograph thereof. ' (b) Contents of order form.-- Every person so transferring a firearm shall set forth in each copy of such order the manufacturer's number or other mark identifying such firearm, and shall forward a copy of such order to the Secretary or his delegate. The original thereof, with stamp affixed, shall be returned to the applicant.'

17

The regulations relative to the transfer of firearms are set forth in 26 C.F.R. 179.95-179.106. The form to be filled out is called Transfer Form 4. Section 179.99 requires the applicant to attach a copy of a photograph taken within one year, his fingerprints and a character certification made by the local chief of police, sheriff of the county, United States attorney, United States marshal, or another person whose certification is acceptable to the Director, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax Division.

18

The regulations relative to making of a firearm are set forth in 26 C.F.R. 179.75-179.84. Section 179.78 provides for an individual declarant to attach his photograph, affix his fingerprints, and supply the same certificate as required in Form 4 above. The making form is designated as Form 1A.

19

In order to complete the transfer application, the transferor must describe the firearm and affix an appropriate National Firearms Stamp.4

20

Thus, it is seen that the transfer of a firearm as described in Count I of the indictment requires an individual to give in advance information of a self-incriminating nature, revealing either the unlawful making or receiving of a firearm without payment of the tax. Therefore, the teachings of the Supreme Court in the cited cases accord a defendant, under proper claim of his constitutional privilege, a full defense to his prosecution. The fact that the self-incriminating evidence is required in advance of the transfer is of no consequence. Marchetti, supra, 390 U.S. at 52, 53, 54, 88 S.Ct. 697.

21

The Maker.

22

What we have said with reference to a transferor is equally applicable to a maker of a firearm under 26 U.S.C. 5821. Here also the statute requires the maker to pay the tax in advance of the making and 5821(e) provides:

23

'(e) Declaration.-- It shall be unlawful for any person subject to the tax imposed by subsection (a) to make a firearm unless, prior to such making, he has declared in writing his intention to make a firearm, has affixed the stamp described in subsection (d) to the original of such declaration, and has filed such original and a copy thereof. The declaration required by the preceding sentence shall be filed at such place, and shall be in such form and contain such information, as the Secretary or his delegate may by regulations prescribe. The original of the declaration, with the stamp affixed, shall be returned to the person making the declaration. If the person making the declaration is an individual, there shall be included as part of the declaration the fingerprints and a photograph of such individual.'

24

Here again we are confronted with a situation we cannot distinguish from the Supreme Court cases as there obviously is no material difference in the requirements of the statutes and application forms provided by the Secretary relative to the self-incriminating information required of the taxpayer. If we could perceive any reasonable significant difference, we would be inclined to be swayed by it because of the public interest in law enforcement coupled with the fact that there are a numerosity of firearm cases pending in the inferior federal courts, which make the subject one of national import best reserved for resolution by the Supreme Court, if possible.

25

We are not to be understood as holding that the defendants here could not have been validly indicted for violations of the National Firearms Act if the Government is possessed of sufficient evidence, but only conclude that Count I as drafted must be dismissed. It is significant to note that as to these two charges, Count I nowhere alleges a violation of 5851 which statute will be discussed hereafter. We are necessarily only concerned with what the indictment charges, and not what it might have charged. Deckard v. United States, 381 F.2d 77, 81 (8th Cir. 1967).

COUNT II

26

Count II of the indictment charges DePugh and Peyson with violation of 26 U.S.C. 5851 through possession of a firearm upon which the making tax had not been paid and the declaration of intention to make had not been filed. Mr. Justice Harlan, speaking for the Court in Haynes, supra, seems to clearly make a distinction under 5851 between firearms which had been transferred or made 'at any time' and emphasizes the fact that the Court's opinion might be different if the phrase 'at any time' had been contained in this section of the statute as it applies to firearms which had not been registered. In Haynes, supra, 390 U.S. at 92-93, 88 S.Ct. at 727, Mr. Justice Harlan states:

27

'Initially, we must note that each of the other two offenses defined by 5851 indicates very specifically that the violations of the making or transfer provisions, on which the 5851 offenses are ultimately premised, can have occurred 'at any time.' An analogous phrase in the registration clause would have made plain beyond all question that the construction now urged by the United States should be accepted; if this was indeed Congress' purpose, it is difficult to see why it did not, as it did in the other clauses, insert the few additional words necessary to make clear its wishes. The position suggested by the United States would thus oblige us, at the outset, to assume that Congress has, in this one clause, chosen a remarkably oblique and unrevealing phrasing. 'Similarly, it is pertinent to note that the transfer and making clauses of 5851 punish the receipt, as well as the possession, of firearms; the registration clause, in contrast, punishes only possession. Under the construction given 5851 by the United States, Congress might have been expected to declare unlawful, in addition, the receipt of firearms never previously registered; indeed, the receipt of the firearm is, under that construction, the central element of the offense. Congress' preference in the registration clause for 'possession,' rather than 'receipt,' is satisfactorily explicable only if petitioner's construction of 5851 is adopted.'

28

The above language would clearly indicate a distinction in Haynes,supra, which sets apart a charge such a contained in Count II here based on a 5851 violation and we therefore are constrained, at least until the Supreme Court holds otherwise, to hold that the charge contained in Count II, on its face, is a valid and proper one.

29

The totality of the evidence presented relating to the two invalid counts, combined with the setting of the trial and the asserted error for failure to grant a continuance on account of prejudicial pretrial publicity, leaves us in a position where we think the ends of justice will best be served by remanding Count II for new trial. We are not clairvoyant and cannot possibly ascertain the effect which the evidence produced in connection with the invalid counts of the indictment had on the jury's verdict, and certainly we cannot say with any fair assurance that the defendants' substantial rights were not affected, and, therefore, it is only proper that we remand for a new trial. Cf. Kotteakos v. United States, 328 U.S. 750, 66 S.Ct. 1239, 90 L.Ed. 1557 (1946); Osborne v. United States, 351 F.2d 111, 117 (8th Cir. 1965). Upon a retrial on this count, the defendants will, of course, have an opportunity to raise any constitutional or other defenses available to them.

30

For the reasons stated, we reverse Counts I and III with directions that said counts be dismissed, and reverse and remand for new trial Count II of the indictment.

1

The indictment, omitting its formal parts and the thirty-five overt acts, reads as follows:

'COUNT I

'That from on or about the 31st day of May, 1963, and continuously thereafter up to and including the date of the filing of this indictment, in the Western District of Missouri and elsewhere, ROBERT BOLIVAR DEPUGH, a/k/a Bob DePugh; WALTER PATRICK PEYSON, a/k/a George; JAMES TOLLERTON, a/k/a Jim Tollerton; TROY HAUGHTON, a/k/a Troy Houghton; and JOHN E. BLUMER, the defendants, and RAITHBY ROOSEVELT HUSTED, named herein as a co-conspirator but not as a defendant, did wilfully, knowingly and unlawfully, combine, conspire, confederate and agree together and with each other, and with divers other persons whose names are to the Grand Jury unknown, to commit offenses against the United States, to-wit, to violate Section 5811, Title 26, United States Code, by transferring firearms as defined in Section 5848, Title 26, United States Code, without paying the required tax; to violate Section 5821, Title 26, United States Code, by making firearms as defined in Section 5848, Title 26, United States Code, without paying the required tax; and to violate Section 5851, Title 26, United States Code, by receiving and possessing firearms as defined in Section 5848, Title 26, United States Code, which had not been registered as required by Section 5841, Title 26, United States Code. 'At the times hereinafter mentioned, the defendants and their co-conspirators did commit, among others, the following overt acts in furtherance of said conspiracy and to effect the objects thereof:

'COUNT II

'That during the period from on or about the 10th day of November, 1965, to on or about the 15th day of December, 1965, in Carroll County, Missouri, and within the Western District of Missouri, ROBERT BOLIVAR DEPUGH, a/k/a Bob DePugh, WALTER PATRICK PEYSON, a/k/a George, and JAMES TOLLERTON, a/k/a Jim Tollerton, wilfully, knowingly and unlawfully possessed a firearm as defined by Section 5848(2), Title 26, United States Code, to-wit, a MP-40, Schmeisser machine pistol, Caliber 9 mm., Serial Number 6575, which firearm had been made in violation of Section 5821, Title 26, United States Code, in that the making tax of $200.00 had not been paid prior to the making of this firearm, and in that, prior to the making of such firearm, there was a failure to file a written declaration of intention to make such firearm, as required, all in violation of Section 2, Title 18, United States Code, and Sections 5851 and 5861, Title 26, United States Code.

'COUNT III

'That during the period from on or about the 10th day of November, 1965 to on or about the 15th day of December, 1965, in Carroll County, Missouri, and within the Western District of Missouri, ROBERT BOLIVAR DEPUGH, a/k/a Bob DePugh, WALTER PATRICK PEYSON, a/k/a George, and JAMES TOLLERTON, a/k/a Jim Tollerton, wilfully, knowingly and unlawfully possessed firearms, that is, a United States Submachine gun, M1, Thompson Model, Caliber .45, Serial Number 94800, a United States Submachine gun, M3, Caliber .45, Serial No. 216602, and a MP-40, Schmeisser machine pistol, Caliber 9 mm., Serial Number 58971, which firearms had not been registered with the Secretary of the Treasury or his delegate, as required by Section 5841, Title 26, United States Code, all in violation of Section 2, Title 18, United States Code, and Sections 5851 and 5861, Title 26, United States Code.'

2

41 V.A.M.S. 564.590 and 564.600 provide as follows:

'564.590. Machine gun, possession a felony-- exceptions 'It shall be unlawful for any person to sell, deliver, transport, or have in actual possession or control any machine gun, or assist in, or cause the same to be done. Any person who violates this section shall be guilty of a felony and punished by imprisonment in the state penitentiary not less than two nor more than thirty years, or by a fine not to exceed five thousand dollars, or by both such fine and imprisonment; provided, that nothing in this section shall prohibit the sale, delivery, or transportation to police departments or members thereof, sheriffs, city marshals or the military or naval forces of this state or of the United States, or the possession and transportation of such machine guns, for official use by the above named officers and military and naval forces in the discharge of their duties. (R.S.1939, 4819) '564.600. Machine gun-- defined 'The term 'machine gun' as used in section 564.590 shall be construed to apply to and include all firearms known as machine rifles, machine guns or sub-machine guns capable of discharging automatically and continuously loaded ammunition of any caliber in which the ammunition is fed to such gun from or by means of clips, disks, drums, belts or other separable mechanical device. (R.S.1939, 4820)'

3

'For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the trial court:

'1. as to Count I should be reversed and remanded for new trial on that part of Count I alleging a conspiracy to make firearms in violation of 18 U.S.C. 5821; '2. as to Count II should be affirmed; and '3. as to Count III should be reversed and remanded with directions to dismiss Count III.'

4

Title 26 U.S.C. 5811:

'(b) By whom paid.-- Such tax shall be paid by the transferor: Provided, That if a firearm is transferred without payment of such tax the transferor and transferee shall become jointly and severally liable for such tax. ' (c) How paid.--

(1) Stamps.-- Payment of the tax herein provided shall be represented by appropriate stamps to be provided by the Secretary or his delegate.'

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
An Interview with Robert N.Taylor (#1)

 

Conducted by Troy Southgate, for the English publication 'Tribal Resonance', April, 1998.

 

1. Tell us about your childhood, what actually inspired your development during those early years and made you realise that you had something to offer?

 

I began to draw a lot as a young child, 4 or 5 years old and on. Mostly copying things from comic books and magazines. Sometimes I would use my toy soldiers as models and draw from them. I was always busy drawing or colouring things.

In grade school the only subjects I liked were art and history. All the rest bored me. When it was an art project I was enthused and worked hard at it. Anything else I simply refused to have anything to do with. I refused to do homework and really didn’t care at all about school and grades and such.

By the third grade I decided I was going to be an artist.. So everything else seemed superfluous if it didn’t help my becoming an artist. I can still visualise a tempera painting I had done in the third or fourth grade. We were supposed to paint a picture of ourselves grown-up and costumed in the manner of what we wanted to be when we were grown. I painted a picture of myself with a beard, a beret and a paint brush in hand at an easel.. Another painting I recall from that same period was one which depicted Vikings standing on a deck of a huge dragon-prowed ship, riding the crest of a wave, which looked straight out of a Hokusai or Hirosige wood-block print.

I always had this creative artistic side to me. In my teens I was painting, drawing, writing poems, keeping journals and such, with no objective purpose or goal in mind. It was just as though I was a doing it all as a natural part of being alive and human. There was no immediate precedent for all of this among my family. No one painted pictures or wrote poems, that I was ever aware of. My father was primarily interested at that time in boxing matches, baseball and football games, politics and things of that sort. The entire world that surrounded me was thoroughly working class in all of it’s values, aptitudes and appetites.

Art aside, I was also a very physical and rigorous child. My favourite sport was boxing. I particularly enjoyed bare-fisted fighting. Two men facing one another in a bare-fisted fight is for me honest courage personified. I also learned at a young age that it turned the girls on as well. It seemed to resonate in some deep primitive redoubt of their psyches. I, of course, exploited such factors to my own advantage at every possible opportunity. I was attracted to girls at a very young age. I was quite precocious in that sense. One summer I fell under the spell of a beautiful blond girl from Germany named Ingra. She was three or four years older than I was. She and several of her girl friends taught me quite a bit about sex at a very early age. Bless her heart wherever she may be.

I addition to boxing I played football and baseball, weight-lifted, and in my later years studied karate and martial arts. I was also the top track and field athlete in my school. I was very fast in running dashes, and pretty good at both high and broad jumping. I always preferred individual sports to team sports.

I also sang a lot as a child. I had a better than average voice, very strong and loud, and I exercised it constantly as I went about my daily affairs. I always loved music as far back as i can recall. I would sing along with the radio with Bing Crosby, the Andrew sisters and all the vocalists’ who came before the advent of rock ‘n roll. I very much liked the early rock ‘n roll music; Bill Haley, Jerry Lee Lewis, Carl Perkins, Pat Boone and of course Elvis. Rock ‘n roll seemed a fresh breeze after the staid and formulaic ballads of the forties. Most of that music was for me, soulless. But even the rock ‘n roll performers were essentially only vocalists. Even Elvis, for all his fame and fortune, never wrote any of the songs he did. But, with the advent of the Beatles and the so called “British Invasion“ music became a creative art again, and the performers were real troubadours, who wrote their own material and performed it as well.

I bought a cheap Stella, orchestral guitar when I was about 14 years old. I think it cost about twenty-five dollars. What I really liked best were drums and other percussion instruments. I started my percussion career using fifty-gallon garbage cans. Using either the flat of my hands or sometimes drum sticks. I would beat out rhythms on the up-side-down cans for hours at a stretch, or until someone in a nearby house stuck their head out of the window and yelled for me to stop or they would call the police.

I was fortunate, in so much as the family home where I grew up, had work benches and vices and all manner of hand tools. I was constantly working on projects in my basement. I built a functioning cross-bow out of a leaf spring when I was about 14 years old. In time I also made zip-guns and other weapons.

During the period I grew up there was a lot of house construction going on, and there was always lots of scrap lumber that we would use to make swords and shields, build forts with and such. My friends and I built lots of rafts that we sailed in nearby quarries, underground hide-outs and such. Our days were filled with endless adventures. The railroad tracks and yards were another favourite place to play.

At about fifteen years old or so my attraction to the girls became my primary interest. Also in my teens I began to run with street gangs on Chicago’s west-side. I never joined gangs so much for the camaraderie or as a group security thing. Gangs served more as a context or vehicle for fighting. I loved the exhilaration of combat. There was always some gang war going on. Between the ages of fourteen and 18 I was in a street gang that is still remembered and talked about by many Chicagoans, The Taylor Street Dukes. They were the most feared White street gang in Chicago at that time. Most of our gang-wars were with black and Puerto Rican gangs of that era; The Vice Lords, The Egyptian Cobras and others. There were generally rumbles every weekend. I seldom missed any of them. They all generally ended with a flying squad of riot police screeching to the scene, from whom we endeavoured to escape. Sometimes we did get caught and were hauled down to the local police station. They seldom charged us with anything serious though. Our parents were called to come down and pick us up. It was always a very sullen trip back home. I spent a good part of my teen years running from and evading the police. Mostly as a result of hooliganism, fighting and vandalism.

Living in this sort of environment, a virtual combat zone, certainly brought grass roots social problems into sharp focus. Everyday became a drama of life and death.Racial tensions flared-up frequently. Armed conflict became a common-day experience.

This all took place in the early period of the 1960s. I was actually a participant of a “White-riot “. That may be hard to believe for members of the current generation of young people. But it was a bonified White-riot. It was generated by mostly Irish and Italian ethnics fighting against the police.

It all began when several old spinsters sold a large apartment building to a black family. The evening that the black family moved in, a mob of neighbourhood people, thousands of them, surrounded the apartment building and started chanting curses. A few moments later bricks and other debris began to bombard the building. All the windows were wiped out in less than a minute.

The mob began to break the doors of the building down battering-ram style - just as riot police arrived from all approaches, screeching to a halt in the middle of the intersection. Then the battle between the riot police ( a special unit of particularly big, burly. mean cops, all brandishing billy clubs the size of baseball bats ) and the white mob raged. The battle surged back and forth.The mob would surge forward en masse - then the police would begin to drive the crowd back with their clubs. It went on and on - it felt as though time itself had expanded itself. The fighting seemed an eternity of time and a crazy dream all rolled into one. I was somewhat near the middle of the mob. The front bodies would surge back into us crushing those behind - then after a few moments crush me again as the mob pushed forward from the rear. I imagine if one had a bird’s-eye-view from above it would have appeared like a minuet movement. A dance of rage.

An enraged mob is a fearful and awesome thing. All is levelled to the lowest common denominator. The mob has a single mind, a single purpose, a single soul. Someone yells out a slogan or command, and the entire mob, mind and body surges forward to effect the command without question or hesitation. In a mob action, even those of lesser courage will oftentimes commit actions they would never dare to commit as lone individuals.

This riot continued for four nights. It would convene each evening, as though a scheduled event at dusk. Word of the riot continued to spread far beyond the neighbourhood in question. The crowds grew larger each night. The fighting and violence spread out from the initial epi-center. Dummies stuffed with rags and painted with black faces were hung from lamp posts and set ablaze in effigy. Roving bands of armed teens moved about the streets and alley ways. By the second night all of the street lights had been broken or shot out.City buses passing through the riot area, who had black drivers, were attacked by the mob. Windshields were smashed out with large chunks of concrete broken from the curbs, many dropped from railroad bridges as the buses or cars drove
under. It was a pretty ugly scene to be sure.

After the initial rioting, and many arrests of people on the streets, a police command-post was set-up in the garage of the apartment building that had been under attack. It was maintained for the next twelve years at tax payers expense. The real estate agent who had sold the building was literally cut in two with a shotgun blast later that year.

Strangest of all for me, was the fact that none of this was reported in the newspapers or other local media. They effectively suppressed information about it. Fearful no doubt, that had they reported it, it would have attracted people from far and wide to join the mob and riot. I'm sure that would have been the case had they done so.

This media “black-out“ confirmed for me that the so-called “free-press“ was less than honest and free in it’s reporting. Obviously there were hidden forces who determined what could and could not be told. Probably some human relations commission in the background.

I was there at the riot, and seen it with my own eyes and had participated in it - so the press couldn’t lie to me by omission. So I learned as a very young boy to trust my own instincts, observations and experiences, above all else. I also learned to test things that I had been told, by a simple comparison of what I had experienced or seen. If I could choose one thing to say to younger folks of today, it would be to trust their own senses and immediate observations rather than anything they read or are told by the system.

I've related this incident so as to give some insight as to the time and place I grew up, as well as to finally tell the story that was suppressed so long ago. The working class people from which I trace my origins seldom have anyone to tell their story or chronicle the events of their lives.

I was also in close proximity to a number of black riots that erupted in the 1960s in Chicago. The area I lived in bordered the area of the riots. I hope to write a detailed account on that sometime. There is much to be learned from it. Official statements, like the Kerner Commission Report on Riots, are so far from the truth as to qualify as fantasy genre literature.

My father was politically to the Right. He very much viewed America’s involvement in the two World Wars as completely bad. To his view, it was Europeans fighting and killing Europeans. He saw the two World Wars as comparable to the classical world’s Peloponnesian war; a self-defeating conflict in which all the participants’ are the ultimate losers. I think he was correct in his analysis, judging from the world I witness around me today. He saw the casualty rates of those two wars as effectively squandering forever some of the best and most valuable genetic material we of the West had. He felt that these loses would lead to general disgenics in the West. It sure seems like that has occurred.

Sit in any international airport and watch the soft, indolent and disgenic pedestrians that limp by.

So, I had my father’s influences politically - but he also inspired my heathenism. His own spiritual life was very much along the lines of what developed in time as Asatru or Odinism. It was not so well formalised as what exists today - but it was about as close as one could get to it, so many decades in advance of it’s actual existence as a movement. So, I was ostensibly raised as a heathen. I never had any burden of guilt or sin insinuated into my life by my parents. I was raised to be brave, honest and proud. They treated most everything in an open, honest and matter of fact manner. My father inspired me to read Nietzsche, Spengler and other important authors.

Between my home life, my life in the streets, and the social unrest of the times, they all compositely pretty much formed my attitudes and social philosophy. These things were paramount in my development and future activities.

2.Who were the Minutemen, and when and why did you choose to become involved with this movement?

Ostensibly The Minutemen were an anti-communist para-military organisation. This was the public face it wore. Behind this mask was a revolutionary underground army.

Though not exactly the same, nor within the exact context of circumstances, I have often detected similitudes between the Minutemen and the post-World War I Free Corps in Germany. At least in the earlier stages of the movement. There were a predominance of disgruntled former military people from World War II and the Korean conflict in the first phase of the movement.

The movement’s origin was of an organic nature. Isolated individuals and groups began to form what they termed “Minutemen bands“. Articles reporting on such activities began to appear in various gun magazines in the late 1950s. I imagine that this facilitated networking between these autonomous groups. Sometime in 1960 Robert Bolivar DePugh, a Missouri bio-chemist and business man began to draw these scattered groups together into a single organisation.

A guerrilla warfare training exercise conducted by DePugh and other Minutemen was reported in the national press. I had already been following the grass roots emergence in the gun magazines from the late 1950s. This was the first time, however, that I heard of a national organisation called the Minutemen. Not long afterwards I noticed a letter in a gun magazine and a reply from DePugh giving an address to contact him at. Several weeks later I was listening to a radio talk show and he was the guest. After hearing what he had to say I was mildly impressed and wrote him. I received a large envelope with Minutemen pamphlets and flyers. I sent in my application and joined. I wasgiven a secret code number to sign my letters with. And so began my association with the group. It was an association that would continue for the next decade.

During this early period I took some mail-order correspondence courses that the group offered. At this same period I had formed a local group composed of teens. We got involved in picketing and street corner leafletting and speech making. I had formed this group of my own before joining the Minutemen. Out of this group of about 50 kids I took 6 or 7 of the best prospects and formed them into the nucleus of my local Minutemen group. I was about 15 years old at this time.

Our youth group “ The Sons Of Patriotism “ had already stirred up a bit of controversy on the west side of Chicago. There had been suggestions that black students be transferred from a nearby over-crowded school to the one in the neighbourhood where I lived.The other option was to install mobile classrooms in the school playground to better accommodate them.We obviously were not enthusiastic about blacks being brought into our area. After all they attacked and tried to maim or kill us every chance they got - and vice versa. The racial tensions in our area were very acute.There would be some main avenue or rail line that effectively demarcated one groups area from the other. It was definitely the front lines of violence. The war-zone.

Our demonstration was a pretty bold stroke. The black school where we went to picket was smack-dab in the middle of the black area. It was warm weather also, lots of people out on their porches drinking and milling about on the streets. So, we marched right down into this area. You can imagine the possible repercussions of all this. No less than thirty police cars with riot gear suddenly surrounded our demonstration. That a full scale riot had not erupted seems a small miracle in retrospect. They (the Police) asked us how long are demonstration would be. I told them about 25 minutes. The officer in charge looked a bit spooked at that. He said, ”how about 15 minutes and we wrap it up and get out of here alive?“ I readily agreed to this. I was beginning to have second thoughts as to the wisdom of this foray into this black neighbourhood.

We did survive it though. We walked the two miles west to our neighbourhood with a line of police cars escorting us. I later heard that a group of young blacks had been arrested along our route back. They had taken up positions with shotguns and were apparently lurking in wait for us. We enjoyed some press coverage as result. So we had projected our thoughts and feelings on the issue at hand.

The real downside of all of these activities was it identified me as a dangerous element in the community. For the next month or so there was an unmarked surveillance car conspicuously parked outside my home. Not long after joining the Minutemen the F.B.I. was making discrete inquiries about me among members of our larger group. Asking if they knew if I had any firearms and such things. Primarily looking for something to get me on.

At this naive stage in my life I actually still believed that there was freedom of speech and expression etc. in America. That’s what they always told us time and again at school. The reverse of course is the reality of it. Such vaunted liberties are more apparent than actual. Once you put it to the test you soon realise that, sure you can say or write most anything you like, but not without consequences and repercussions. You’ll quickly end up in the files of the secret police, epitomized as a trouble maker, kook or an enemy of the state. I speak from experience here. I’ve tested these liberties and have found them to be wanting in their actuality.

Realisation of this state of affairs led me to thinking it would be folly to give-up at that point. I was already marked, so to speak. Once that occurs I guess you are committed to taking it all to it’s logical conclusion - victory or defeat. And that’s the path I took. I became more active and involved in the Minutemen. I was appointed the head of the Chicago organisation. Later I was made State Co-ordinator. Finally I joined the National Headquarters off and on for a number of years. I became the Director of Intelligence. It was something I had a decided aptitude for. In brief I became a member of the inner-circle of the organisation. I pretty much became a confidant of Robert DePugh and played an increasingly active role in the organisations activities.

During the earlier part of the 1960s, The Minutemen were engaged in a lower- spectrum underground war against the communist and other leftists. This took the form of infiltration, sabotage of their activities, identifying their personal etc.. Various underground Minutemen penetrated many radical groups and misdirected their efforts.

In the very early sixties we even formed dummy leftist and anti-war groups. Our members would dress slovenly, act obnoxious with newspaper reporters and generally give the "reds" a bad name by way of these activities.

On the public level we carried on propaganda against the U.S. government and it’s pro-socialist activities. And more or less organised, recruited, trained and employed our members in various areas of our operations. We conducted psychological warfare, black and grey propaganda, disinformation activities among radical leftists, expropriating their records and membership lists and things like that. There was seldom a dull moment.

Some pretty amazing twists of fate often occurred. One Minuteman, George Demerle, an artist and former military vet, managed to infiltrate one of the most radical groups around at the time. The Revolutionary Contingent. This was a group which had direct ties to the Viet Cong and Communist Cuba. He stayed undercover with this faction for over six years, keeping us on top of all of their activities, personal and plans.

At one time George had an art gallery in Flatbush New York. He even volunteered his art gallery as a place to hold Leftist gatherings and events. Unfortunately other Minutemen in the area, unknowing of his true loyalties, fire-bombed his gallery. George’s family, brothers, sisters etc. all disdained him for his communist activities. He never let his guard down or revealed his true beliefs and served the organisation despite all of the problems he encountered.

The Revolutionary Contingent began preparations for guerrilla warfare and terrorism. This did bother George, as he did not want to get involved in their illegal activities. One day he appeared half-way across the country at my door asking my opinion on what he should do at that point when the group wanted his direct involvement. We certainly didn’t want him going to jail for leftist crimes. So, I suggested that he hang in there until the 11th hour and then blow the whistle on them - before he himself was involved in the bombings and other illegal acts they were planning.George had travelled to see me and ask my opinion with literally the shirt on his back. He had spent many hours in downtown Manhattan “dry-cleaning“. This is the term used for making sure no one is tailing you or has you under surveillance, and if you discover that you are being tailed, using methods to shake them. This is generally done by going into a very busy area with shopping crowds and loosing oneself in the crush of crowds, where it is difficult to keep up with you and easy to loose you. Often it requires coursing through large department stores, up and down elevators and escalators, entering on one street and leaving through exits on another street.Utilising store windows, where you can stand looking at merchandise inconspicuously are handy as mirrors to spot possible tails behind you.

At any rate George was satisfied he had shook-off anyone following him and jumped on a plane and contacted me. Within several hours George was flying back to New York. Apparently the group kept close tabs on all of it’s members. George had entered into the leftist underground by-way of first joining the Crazies a leftist group into anarchic actions. One of things required of members in the Revolutionary Contingent was to ingest LSD with the other members. They used acid as a way to lay low the defences of people and sort of interrogated them under it’s influence and effects. George had, quite literally passed “the acid-test“.

The main mover in the RC was a man who called himself Sam Melville. He had his name legally changed to Melville. His actual birth name was Sam Grossman. Melville began a nation-wide campaign of sky-scrapper and Federal building bombings in New York, Milwaukee, Ontario Canada and elsewhere. He operated as a one man bombing spree.

Finally George was requested to prove himself by accompanying Melville and others in an attempt to bomb a National Guard Armoury in Brooklyn. Somehow, George managed to call the FBI and inform them of the up-coming event. The Feds captured them all and put them under arrest. George was incarcerated along with the rest of them. After several weeks he was able to establish that he was the one who had called the Feds, and he was released.

The FBI of course claimed he was their undercover agent etc. and took full credit for George’s activities among the RC. This however was not really the case. About a year later George shared the platform with Senator Buckley of New York at a big fourth of July day parade.I think he was given some commendation or award and was the hero of the day. It never came out, until now as I write this, that George was in fact a member of the Minutemen and not some FBI informant. George was not the only person we had planted deep in the leftist underground. There were many others. One of our members even slept with Bernadine Dorhn the leader of the radical Weathermen faction of the
Students For a Democratic Society.

It was while she was living in an apartment on north Kenmore Avenue in Chicago, during the so-called “ Days of Rage “. A small riot that was instituted by the Weatherman in Chicago’s downtown area and near north side. The group had attempted to befriend various bikers in the area as a source of body-guards and illegal munitions. One of those bikers was actually a Minuteman and had access to both Bernadine, as well as her private 'phone directory and other papers which he delivered to us. Right after this incident, Bernadine and others in the Weathermen went underground. She just surfaced several years ago and surrendered to authorities (as others of the group did also) and was slapped on the hand and freed. We had always thought that her and the Weathermen were ostensibly government agents to begin with. Most of them had links to people in the Federal government and Justice Department by way of relatives. Almost all were from extremely wealthy
backgrounds.

Melville and the other RC members went off to Federal prison for various terms of confinement. Melville was one of the principal agitators of the Attica Prison riot. He was shot dead by a prison guard during that riot. These sort of activities and operations conducted by the Minutemen were many and varied during those years.I’ve mentioned these few incidents so as to give an idea of our general activities and something of a feel about those times.

Eventually Robert DePugh ran afoul of the law, was indicted, and subsequently ran into problems of carrying a gun across state lines while under indictment. A Minuteman headquarters had been raided and a metal lathe and other machine tools were found, all set up as a machine gun making factory. So DePugh had many indictments, but somehow remained out on bail.

In summer of 1967 a special group was set-up within the organisation. It was a small inner corps group called The Defence Survival Force. This force numbered about 50 or 60 people, both men and women. All were expected to have on hand all the necessary equipment and contingency plans for going underground at any moment. This group was trained in various skills; lock-picking, survival skills, orientation, map making, killing, expropriation, a knowledge of various explosives and all manner of special operational skills. I was a member of this group.

January 1968 was to be a pivotal year for the Minutemen. It was the year that guerrilla operations began in earnest. An Infiltrator had tripped up plans for a series of bank expropriations. He had worn a wire (a hidden transmitter) and recorded the meeting where said bank expropriations were discussed and planned. DePugh was implicated, along with others, and rather than face any more charges, went underground along with another longtime member Walter Peyson.

I was dispatched to Minutemen headquarters and began the daily operations of the above ground section of the organisation. Making sure publications were printed and sent out etc..The FBI mounted a vigorous effort to capture DePugh and company. Wanted posters appeared in post offices and were sent to hotels and motels across the country. Those of us at headquarters experienced tight surveillance on us. We had for so long grown accustomed to the tactics of FBI
and other law enforcement agencies attempting to monitor our activities, that we began to sense other forces working against us.
 

Most probably the National Security Agency. At that time a ultra secret intelligence organisation of the U.S. government. The NSA is concerned mostly, but not exclusively, with communications, codes and such. Unlike the CIA, they often operate inside the U.S. as well as abroad. Their operations are of a much higher order than U.S. investigative agencies. They operate outside the law. I feel they were the group monitoring our movements and activities. They have a work force of about 150,000 employees. Among their many chores is that of monitoring every phone call that is made abroad or from abroad. This is done with computers which are programmed with key-words. If these words come up in conversation the computer records the conversation. (Check out our section on the NSA in another area of this website - webmaster) Their tech' is of the highest order. At any rate we began to notice things that had never occurred before. Illegal entry to motel rooms and other sites where we stayed and such.

Sometime in the Spring of 1968, Robert DePugh’s son John and I were instructed to rendezvous with others who had gone underground. We had to be very careful in shaking anyone who might be following us. We took off late one night and drove for hours down back country roads.We covered about 90 miles that night doing this. We will probably never know how they could have followed us - but eventually we came out of the maze of roads to the Kansas City area.

We went to make a phone call from a telephone booth to some folks who had a car hidden away in their garage. It was one of our emergency cars for get-aways. No sooner had we left the phone booth, and a several individuals quickly went to the phone as though checking something - perhaps tracing our call. As we pulled up to the next stoplight another car pulled up alongside us. We recognised the two men inside as two people we had seen months before as wedrove around a bend in the road just before crossing a bridge. As we slowed on the curve of the road. One individual turned and took our picture. These were the same two people we had seen. We went through a bunch of turns and drove at high speeds down side streets. It was around 1 a.m.

We reached our destination at a residential home and switched cars. Certain equipment was stashed in the car earmarked for the Underground. We headed west to Colorado. Their were no signs of being followed - but after encountering the two agents in the car we felt rather uneasy about it all. We sure didn’t want to lead them to the others who had already gone underground.

We made our contacts and were led up some mountain roads to very high country. Many places in the road only allowed for three wheels of the car to be in contact with the ground as we climbed upwards in a spiralling direction. Sections of the road had eroded away. Finally we got out and climbed on foot way above the tree line. This was in the area of southwestern Colorado, above the town of Creede. We stayed for some days in make shift tents up in the mountains. Eventually we all went down to a safe house in the surrounding area. It was still a pretty high location. I believe there were 8 of us at the time in the mountain hide-out. Later we would hook up with others bringing our numbers to 10 adults.

Life underground was certainly different. We had to check and double check every move we made. Things which had once been simple to do now took on a whole new aspect of caution.

For months to come we would collect at a safe house for a given period of time and then we would all disperse on our own. No one knew where the others were going or staying. If more than one of us were in a given city we would check in with each other at pre-arranged schedules from pay-telephone booths. We would have a month or something and then we would rendevouz in a safe house in another location and stay together as a group making claymore mines and pipe grenades. Often when we would disperse we would have missions to do or things to acquire or take care of. I wrote a short chronicle based on this underground period which appeared in the final, or “Death Issue“ of the Fifth Path Magazine called “Animal Spirit".

One such mission comes to mind. I was sent up to Boulder Colorado to case-out the headquarter’s of Soldier Of Fortune magazine. The plan was that once we had a floor plan, three or four of us would go to their office, get the jump on whoever was on hand and steal the files and take them away in a U-haul van.

So I made my way to Boulder Colorado by bus. I found the office, it was one in a row of second floor office suites above a large liquor mart. Entrance was from the side of the building up a short flight of steps. I knocked on the door and was greeted by a man named Ralph Shafferty. Ralph was a soldier of fortune. He had at one time, I was told, been a top army sniper instructor at Fort Bragg’s Special Warfare School. Shafferty was known as Little Ralph in Miami's Little Havana district. Ralph was a great host. We sat, talked, and shared a few beers for several hours and got on well. We both knew mutual friends in the small world of Soldier’s of Fortune. I had been involved in the Anti-Castro movement for a short time in the early 1960s.

At some point in our conversation I mentioned that i would like some information on who was buying what books. We knew that the Weather-underground had been getting various military and guerrilla warfare books by way of a Chicago bookstore called Solidarity books, which ordered them from Panther Publications (the name was later changed to Paladin Press, because they did not want to be associated in anyone’s mind with the Black Panthers) which was the book section of Soldier of Fortune magazine. We wanted to know just exactly who was buying what. Ralph said: “go ahead and look at the invoices if you want“. I spent most of the evening going through the invoices at my leisure and taking notes. As it turned out there was no real reason to expropriate the files. I had full access to them with permission. Ralph mentioned that he had always been hearing about the Minutemen but never met anyone who was a member. So I was the first Minutemen he had encountered.

Life underground could be a pretty uncomfortable affair. We were a bit crowded at times while living in safe-houses. Various clicks and factions began to form among us. Living under the constant duress of underground existence began to take it’s psychological effects. One member criticised the way DePugh was running the operations, another member rose to his defence by whacking the first party across the head with a rifle butt. DePugh himself was acting a bit paranoid about this person or that. He sort of tried to cast aspersion on various people. It was his way of keeping everyone divided, so that no plots or subterfuge would occur. I could half sympathise with his and Walter Payson’s suspicious and cautious actions and attitudes. After all, they were wanted fugitives and faced a unknown fate if captured.

John and I began to feel that all of us would soon be at one another’s throats before long. John decided he was leaving - he had had enough. I was hesitant to go with him, but he was my good friend, and in the end I suppose he was right in his decision, considering how it all turned out.

So, without notice we took a car and left. A group was dispatched to catch up with us and bring us back - but we took mostly logging roads back through the mountains and made it to Lawrence Kansas. From there we split-up and went our separate ways. Depugh and some of the others attempted to either shoot or kidnap me and bring me back - but their attempt failed. Fate was on my side and I escaped their ambush plans. I later heard that they returned to the underground hide and announced to everyone that they had killed John and I. Meantime I had a barrage of visits from the FBI - repeating the same questions over and over. I was feeling pretty pressed upon between them and DePugh and company trying to shoot me.

They continued on. Got another safe-house near Truth Or Consequence New Mexico. Things did go from bad to worse with the group as John and I both figured it would. Several members, a married couple with a small baby, who fell out of grace with DePugh ended up as prisoners. The lady was chained up in an abandoned mine and the man was kept in a large steel box which had been buried in the ground. DePugh had devised the box with a chemical toilet etc. for holding captives. The baby was taken back and forth for breast feedings and alternately left in the box with the father. It had become a pretty ugly scenario. Now you might be wondering what two people with an infant would be doing underground. They being a young couple with a child facilitated their renting safe-houses for the group and creating something of a domestic scene for cover.

Sometime in late 1969 the FBI had caught up with them and captured DePugh and Payson. They did not immediately raid the house since they were afraid of hidden mines planted around the building. This gave the other occupants a chance to escape. Two of the ladies, Janet Taylor and Joan Gorely escaped with arms and membership records by walking waist deep in the Rio Grande Reservoir until they were well out of the area. They eventually hitch-hiked south and ended up in Houston Texas. Once in Houston they got jobs as topless dancers in some nightclub and survived on the proceeds long enough to find other options.

Depugh was preparing for his trial, which included 9 indictments for various federal crimes. I went to Mexico during this time to avoid the prosecution from supoena-ing me as a witness - yet the defence knew how to contact me in order to subpoena me as a Defence witness. At the trial myself, Joan Gorley (a Depugh mistress) and his son John were the only ones who had been underground to come to his defence. Several others appeared as prosecution witnesses. He acted as his own attorney and lost the case. He received a sentence of 9 ten-year concurrent terms in federal prison. Despite whatever animosities I had towards DePugh at this time, the fact that it was the federal Government trying him transcended my personal feelings. If I had anything to settle with him I would do it personally. I didn’t want to use our mutual enemies to settle any scores for me.

At that time I was made national spokesman for the group and editor of it’s publication On Target. The organisation, and it’s continuance was the important thing to me. Two or three years had elapsed since the organisation was functioning. Support had become minimal. I tried to revive things to no real avail. I did a series of newspaper, radio and television appearances attempting to generate some activity - but things had lain dormant for too long. Many members had drifted off to other groups and activities. On top of all of this the government pulled out all stops to destroy the group. Most of their focus was directed towards those of us at the hub of things. We received information that they planned a raid in which they hoped to kill us and then plant evidence on our premises. This is what occurred with the Chicago Black Panther raid. A joint force of FBI and local police simply broke the doors down and shot people sleeping in their beds.

We had very little defence against such attacks at the time. Our resources had dwindled to almost nothing. I wrote a letter to various Minutemen and groups suggesting that they disperse and work on a local level as militias or vigilante groups. That marked the inception of various para-military groups including the so-called Identity movement and other militia groups of the second phase of the revolutionary right in the U.S.. The legacy of the Minutemen continues on now in various factions of the revolutionary right. We layed the groundwork, provided the basic concepts and more or less pioneered that movement. It brought a new sophistication of tactics and strategy to the Right. I certainly learned much through my long association with the Minutemen in a personal way. Technical skills, far too many things to recount. It was a real graduate course to be sure.

Unfortunate for the current Militias in the U.S. is that they seem to be at a level of sophistication at which the Minutemen were in the early 1960s. Dressing up in cammies and toting rifles off to the range is just a very small repetorie. I doubt that many of those within the Militia movement have any real talents in the areas of intelligence, espionage, subversion, propaganda and such. These are the real basic skills they seem to lack. They seem, from what I have observed of them, to have no real plan or leadership. Lots of first-sergeants who know how to breakdown a rifle in the dark and all the other basic military skills - but no generals with much of an overview or idea of what they are doing in a strategic sense.

The following half-dozen years were bleak ones for me. I turned to art; painting, poetry and music. These mediums were for all practical purposes the only weapons I had left to fight back with against this age of upheaval and decay.

3. What did the 1960s mean to you?

It was a time of rapid change and astounding incidents. Assassinations, political scandals, corruption at every level of society, a no-win war raging in Viet Nam, Cults’ abounding all around, the anti-war movement and so many things happening all at once. Most of what occurred in the 1960s was to set the tome for the remainder of this century and perhaps beyond. The rise of Satanism, paganism, the Manson Family, and much more.It was a defining period for our dying civilisation.

4. Many people associate you with Robert DeGrimston’s Process Church of the Final Judgment, although others have suggested that your role was fairly minimal. Were you ever a participating member of the Process Church?

My association with the Process was indeed minimal. I read their literature. Attended their midnight meditations on many occasions, contributed some art work to their magazine and Changes made it’s public debut playing at their Coffee House in Chicago. I never formerly became a member. I had considered it at the time - but when I returned to Chicago with that in mind they had broken up and re-formed the group as The Foundation: Church of the Millennium. I didn’t find this new approach very appealing - it was quite drab after the original group. I’ve covered much of this in Adam Parfrey’s Apocalypse Culture, 2nd edition, as well as in many interviews; Most especially in the U.S. magazine Great God Pan, and the current issue of Compulsion, an English music ‘zine. I have done two instalments of a series on the Process for Esoterra magazine. I am currently writing the third instalment for the next issue. My only regret is that I did not write it all as a book in the first place. Doing this series has turned into a task comparable to writing a full- length book. To do so now would require re-writing it all again, to do it properly. I’m not sure I want too. I’m pretty burned out on the subject and I think there are more relevant ways in which i can allocate my time and energies.

5. When and Why did you decide to form the group Changes?

About 1971. my cousin Nicholas Tesluk and I began to work on the music in earnest. We had previously written some songs together but had not really practised much. A fellow I sporadically encountered at various coffee houses and such heard us playing one day on Chicago’s lake front and suggested we play at a nearby coffee house called the Kingston Mines Company Store. It was a combined cafe and theatre. We had already been playing for several months off and on at the Process Coffee house. So the night we went for an audition at the the Kingston Mines, we were driving down the street and suddenly one of us thought “ Gee, we don’t have a name for our band.” We had never taken it all that serious to formally think of a name. So I believe it was myself who came up with the name Changes. I thought it had a vitalistic sort of sound to it, and in essence what we were doing was a big change from what folk music was at the time.

The group originally included myself, Nicholas and a lady who worked as secretary at an advertising corporation where I was employed. I was basically writing advertisement for T.V. ads at the time. I somehow got to know her and she played acoustic folk guitar and sang a little. Somehow the feds got to her and she pretty well threw a wrench into all that we were doing. One evening at her home after practice she started spouting off stuff like “do you think someone ought to shoot the president?” This was in response to something we were railing against politically. No sooner had she said that, then we heard a noise at her apartment door, Nicholas and I jumped up and went out into the hallway - a man in a suit and tie was quickly making it down the hall - just short of running. We chased him down the stairs and he jumped into a drab, unmarked vehicle (the type government agents usually drive) and he peeled out of the parking space before we could catch up with him. It became obvious she was trying to set us up for conspiracy charges by proffering leading questions.

After that incident we simply dropped her and never had anything to do with her again. So that’s how Changes first formed. Later my wife Karen and another lady joined the group. The other lady only lasted a year. It was around this time that Changes went dormant and we all moved on to others things.

6. Together with Michael Moynihan, you decided to re-master the bands original recordings and finally released them on CD last year. You are now on the verge of releasing a new CD entitled Legends, so is there a chance that Changes will go on tour sometime in the future?

Actually I didn’t decide to do anything with the old music. That was Michael’s idea. I had sent him some poetry chap books of mine. One of them was composed of lyrics to Changes music. Michael enquired as too if we had any old demo-tapes of the songs. I did have some cassettes that were dubbed off the original reel-to-reel tapes. Apparently Michael like what he heard and asked if we would be interested in doing a CD of some of the better stuff.We worked closely on the re-mastering, on all the graphics and liner notes etc. It was a totally gratifying relationship, on all levels.

As for our next release, it will be “ Legends “ a long single ballad which Nicholas and I wrote around 1969. All the liner notes booklet and cover art are original art done by Nicholas and myself. The entire lyrics will appear in the booklet, all 210 lines done in hand calligraphy by Nicholas. We are finalising the packaging as I write this. Only Nicholas and I are on this piece of music. It was recorded at Absinthe Studio about a year and a half ago, and was engineered by Robert Ferbrache.

We wrote it as a sort of Pan European Chaison. I sent a demo tape in early 1970 or so to Radio Liberty in Lisbon. They actually aired it. The station’s call slogan was: “The West Shall Win “. This was during the day’s of Antonio Sallazar, the brilliant economist who ruled there for many years.

As for Changes doing any tours. I sincerely doubt it at this point. Both Nicholas and myself are both married, have children and many responsibilities and other concerns. But never say never. I’ve lived long enough to witness all sorts of things that “never“ could be. The fall of Soviet communism and the Berlin Wall coming down and things like that, lead me to suspend any final word on anything. We have had no offers to date for touring or appearing anywhere, so I suppose it is a moot point in that regard.

7. What are your views on a) Satanism, and b) Charles Manson?

Satanism has become a sort of generic label. Beyond that it means different things to different people.I’ll try and break it down into types first. There are rock ‘n roll satanists; heavy and black metal artists and fans. This is the most superficial type. It seldom relies on any deep thoughts or convictions. Anyone who wants to don a t-shirt with a inverted pentagram can join this devil’s party. It is most of all a vehicle for testosterone laden rebellion and anti-social behaviour. The worst of this misanthropic and impressionable rebellion end up as Richard Rameriz, or any number of others who say after capture “The Devil made me do it“.

Then there are the philosophical satanists who have intellectual arguments against Christianity and an effete society. Here is where we find artists and people into creative things. This Philosophy of satanism appeals to a more intellectual type and serves as a central focal point for their creativity. For the most part this segment of satanists are principally reactionary - not revolutionary. They are a reaction to the oppressiveness of Christianity. Also, such philosophical Satanism serves as a justification for hedonism, exotic sexual practices and such. It is permeated with a aura of Elitism. When you take a closer look at what it all means in essence and at the people who compose it’s ranks, it’s lacks anything vital or dynamic. In this form satanism breaks down into two further sub groups - a libertarian wing and a Fascist wing. The Libertarians seem content to eat, drink and be happy and “do their own thing“, while the Fascist side tends to mix heavy political content to their philosophy. They as such are far more revolutionary. They generally see satanism as a personification of the Faustian spirit of the West.

Then we move on to what I can only describe as “true“ satanists. These are folks who take all the devil rant in Christianity and the Bible in a literal sense, right down to the prophecies in the book of revelation. They have simply decided to play the heavies in the drama. What makes me label them true Satanists is the diabolical element in their methods and theology. As with the Process who took the Devil and Jesus and compounded them both into something else. The Devil or Satan, if he is to be a devil, must do something more diabolical then to rent his rage against Christianity. He must be a figure of guile and seduction. One who can tell a convincing lie or bait his victims with sophisticated methods that subvert their minds and souls. The Process and Manson fit this type more readily than Anton LaVey and his many imitators do.

To employ your adversaries own doctrines and teachings and twist them in another direction, or antithetical to their literal meaning is indeed diabolical. It clearly shows some sophistication and finesse. Many folks I have said this to I think have had a hard time reconciling what I’ve said or understand what I am getting at when i speak of the diabolical element.

Of course one need not be a satanist to be diabolical. Bankers, politicians, and jive-ass preachers could certainly teach satanists a thing or two about the diabolic.

My only criteria in judging satanists is as to whether or not they are revolutionaries or just simply run of the mill rebels and poseurs. As to whether they are effective or not or not effective.

For many young folks escaping the stifling atmosphere of their Christian parents and homes, satanism often becomes one of the forbidden things. For many it is a first reaction to Christianity. For a large number of people it is only a first stop before they mature somewhat and find more constructive avenues of approach.

As for my views on Charles Manson, I find him and his current popularity and fame quite astounding in one sense, but understandable in another sense. Manson’s life in general is the stuff of tragedy. He really never had a chance in life. He was kicked around from one institution to another. His is the saga of the White underclass in America. There are many Charles Manson’s out there. Victims of the system - what sets him apart from the others most is that he got even with the world in a sense. He has also never repented or caved in psychologically. In that sense he is a sort of personification of the Uber Mensch. He’s still ranting his ideas, composing songs, etc. despite the circumstances he is in.

In many ways he seems to be a personification of several archetypes. The life that the Family lived was very archetypal in an Indo-European sense. It was a tribe of Germanic/Celtic young folks. Surrounded by horses and animals, music, rituals, a life- style close to nature etc.. I think all of this somehow captured a romantic image that resounded with many young folks. All those authors who have made millions off of writing books on him have further helped to keep him in the public eye. Charlie is “The Unforgiven“. He has become a personification of everything the system hates and fears. The savage who has been untouched by their mind-fucking propaganda and indoctrination, and still able to see the world in his own way, and from his own experience and insights. He has certainly payed the piper for his role. They can’t seem to heap enough abuse towards him. Yet he maintains his indivisibility despite all their efforts. He’s a unique individual, much can also be said for Lynette Frome and Sandra Good. There is a touching loyalty they have both shown. They all may not have that much going for them personally, but that sort of loyalty, under duress, that they have shown, raises them above their persecutors by a mile, in a world where loyalty and and fidelity are almost unheard of anymore.

8. In a philosophical sense what stage had you reached by the mid-1970s?

Basically I was played out on politics. I realised that the political process had been pre-empted by the major parties since before World War Two. Radical politics could only be used as a protest - there is little possibility of it’s being politically efficacious. I began to see that the crux of the problems of the west are essentially spiritual ones. Solve the spiritual problems and all other problems will take care of themselves more or less. I had reached a stage of nihilism by this time. It became apparent to me that there was not much worth conserving of this world we live in. Today I am even more amazed then ever that there are people who call themselves conservatives. What is there of this brave new world which is worth preserving - very little I think. This point of view was reached by me when I realised that we were not looking forward to the death of the west.For all practical purposes Western civilisation died in 1945 with the end of our second world war. Some say at Stalingrad. What we have witnessed ever since is the aftermath of it’s demise and it’s decomposition. And it will degenerate further I am sure. Most men and women of the west have not even realised that their civilisation has already bit the dust. I am sure the Roman citizen, just prior to the physical fall of their empire, never thought that their civilisation had withered and died. But it had died from within centuries before the first barbarian stood on the outskirts of Rome poised for the coup de grace.

So with that in mind, it seemed that the only thing worth the effort was to begin building the skeletal structure of a new culture, one at the grass-roots level. Petite nationalism plays no relevant part in what I am speaking of here. Many of us once thought of ourselves as patriots and nationalists. We don’t anymore. Our nation is in our DNA, and it extends to wherever those of like kind reside. This is the principal message in relation to the recently formed International Asatru/Odinist Alliance. It is an affirmation of what I have said here. My own patriotism today extends for all of about a half-mile around me. I can only relate to tangible soil that I stand on, My fields, my gardens, my orchards, my family my friends and Kinfolk. The rest is a wasteland.

So there are no old-right residues in me any longer. Nothing I want to save or preserve of the present order. My loyalty is to the vision of the future that I have. It would be too much in this interview to explore, but I hope to elucidate some of these visions, concepts and and dreams in the future. So that is why I have placed my main emphasis and activities on the spiritual and the cultural.

9. Given that you have been heavily involved in the emerging cultural “underground“ for several decades, do you ever become disillusioned? If so, how do you manage to overcome this?

Of course I become tired at times, disillusioned, burnt-out etc... Just like most everyone does that enters into these activities for any length of time. As an individual I am an introvert by nature - but an introvert who has learned all the skills of extroversion as a means of survival in the world. Nothing pleases me more than to have hours of solitude to think and dream and engage in reverie. That’s the poet and artist in me. I don't think I have experienced boredom since I was a small child. My mind and imagination are always active. I have found my own self to be among the best company I have ever kept. The inner dialog seldom flags. So, with this in mind, it has often been tempting to just go off and do my own thing without having to deal with all the problems of the world. But then I think of the enormity of it all and the consequences that lie in wait for our world, and then feel activated to keep on fighting for my beliefs. There are also friends, family and kinfolk who I feel I can't let down. So I fight on. Also, on the occasions when I felt almost ready to simply retire into my own world - something, some incident, will come along as a challenge, and I have a difficult time turning away from challenges. There will be infiltrators trying to throw a wrench into the works or others acting “human all to human“ etc... In this sense my own enemies have helped to generate my activism more than anything. I’m a fighter by nature. An intransigent fighter that never gives up.

One must admire the Viet Cong on the basis that they fought a gruelling war of attrition for forty years. It is that sort of attrition that wins in the end. Unfortunately many Americans have the idea that wars and revolutions are something you do for three or four years and then it’s over. We have a fast-food generation that has not cultivated patience and determination. They want everything fast or immediately, if not sooner. A real generation of spoiled children. The slogan of the Minutemen was “We Shall Never Surrender“; and that pretty much sums up my attitude.

10. How long have you been interested in Odinism, and what kind of activities are you involved in with the Asatru Alliance?

I have been interested in Heathen and pagan matters since i was a grammar school student. My formal entry to the Heathen world was about 25 years ago. Karen and I were seminal figures in the emergence of the general Pagan movement in the Midwest of the U.S. in the mid to late 1970s- from there we formed a early Odinist group The Northernway. Eventually The Northernway became the Wulfing kindred and affiliated with the original Asatru Free Assembly founded by Steve McNallen. When the old AFA broke up, a handful of us including Valgard Murray, Karen, myself and a few others formed the Asatru Alliance and started the process of organisation all over again. Today we have forty official and supporting groups in the U.S. and have taken the lead in the International formation I mentioned.

As for activities. We help and have often hosted national gatherings of the Alliance. We and members of our Tribe have been very active over the past ten years in developing Vor Tru to the fine magazine it now is. We have experimented with out-reach projects like Viking games open to the public and such. We recently did a formal dedication of an Asatru Hof we built and many other things. For a while we published a family oriented ‘zine called Othalla (we ceased publication because of time considerations and the work we were doing in other areas like Vor Tru.) I do all that I can to promote the alliance through interviews like this one I am doing here. So we have been busy on many levels and many projects, and continue to be. Our own group Tribe of The Wulfings is now a national, rather than simply a regional group.That is why we changed the name to tribe from kindred. It better describes our group as it presently is. It is composed of some very bright, creative and thoroughly dedicated people. And we all get along with one another and work together on myriad projects.
 

11. In recent years we have seen the growth of bands such as Blood Axis, Sol Invictus, Allerseelen and Death in June. Have you an opinion on why it has taken so long for this kind of music to achieve the recognition it deserves?

Yes, I do. There are certain dynamics to movements. Any movement in it’s beginning stages will attract some pretty sorry individuals. The Right, aside from a few leaders, was pretty much composed of people with little creativeness and even less ability at getting things done professionally.

In the second phase of a movement a higher calibre of people usually begin to fill it’s ranks and contribute their talents and aptitudes. Changes could compose music of this type 20 year or more ago - but there were no people in our ideological camp that had either the foresight or the business acumen to produce and get things generated. So, even though Changes was doing material like the later groups you listed, we were sort of doing it all in a void. At the time the only way we could expect to get our music and message out was by playing it on a stage. That meant we had to win auditions to do so. But beyond that, it we would be dependent on the large record companies for anything like wide distribution and production. Those running such companies had an exactly different agenda then we did.So we were blocked at every turn in that sense. Then a period of inflation hit and many of the large record companies began to falter and fail. Small entrepreneurs began to fill this paucity. Independent record companies began to pop up everywhere. They now are vying (compositely) for the profits that were once the exclusive realm of the big companies. As a result this type of music has finally had a chance to be heard and has begun to develop a following of loyal listeners and cohorts. I’m sure that the increasing decline has made such music and it’s message far more relevant than before.

12. How would you describe yourself politically?

At this junction I would describe myself as 'a-political' in a real sense. As I said practical politics have been pre-empted by the two party system - which has become in fact a one party system. It matters little who you vote for - it’s all part and parcel of the New World Order scheme. When there are changing parties in office - they practically don’t loose a beat on their grand conspiracies. Essentially in the U.S. we elect officials that spend most of their time in office dreaming up new ways to divest the citizens of the fruits of their labour. Recently in the state where I live they now want to tax canoes and other small water crafts - what’s next, a taxation on bathing suits? They spend all their time finding new areas to fleece us all. The other primary activity is their milk-sop imperialism around the world. That takes money to buy friends and eventually make them dependent on America. They fund all these activities with the money of their subjects here in the U.S.. This is the epi-centre of their dreams of a world shopping mall where everyone is an interchangeable work unit in their world plantation.So, that type of politics is fruitless at this time.

On an ideological level of politics I take this view. Ask me what system of government I think best and I must ask for which people, in what place, in what time? Certainly the American representative Republic worked fine for Anglo/Celtic people. It is probably an outward manifestation of their inner sense of justice, liberty et.al. Add millions of illegal Mexican immigrants, millions of Asians and what-not, and then the question of this system of republicanism comes into sharp question. This form of government is not inimitable to these other people or the cultures they come out of.

Most of South America has constitutions that read almost like carbon copies of the U.S. system - but we all have seen the reality of how this system works when applied to other people, with a different sensibility etc.. It doesn’t work. We observe one coup de tat after another, one oligarchy after another, a society pervaded by corruption at all levels - and most of those people in those countries seem content with it all - if they didn’t it would be otherwise.

When there are too many different groups in a nation there will be stringent competition and conflicts of interest. How does one deal with these conflicts of interest? It brings questions of liberty and freedom into question. As it stands in America we have what could be termed the Anarchy of tyranny. The streets are unsafe, crime rages everywhere and becomes more outrageous all the time. Meanwhile the government uses all of this as an excuse for more laws and tyranny.

The great mistake of the British Empire and the American Imperialism, and other empires before, was that they always assumed that governmental forms, cultural forms etc. were transferable to other people unrelated to them. The British did everything they could to turn their subjects into model Englishmen. What a farce. What a delusion on their behalf.

One of my favourite stories concerns Charles Darwin bringing the Terra Del Fuego native Jimmy Buttons back with him to England. They dressed him up in a suit, with stiff collar and cravat, sent him to the best universities, taught him high tea,and to act and deport himself like a Englishman. This accomplished, they allowed him to return, figuring he would be useful for their colonial ambitions there. But Jimmy Buttons was no fool. He saw European Civilisation from the inside - and it had nothing to do with him on a soul level. So when he landed back in his native land he quickly tore off all the western garments, organised a revolt and killed all the European colonists. You have to hand it to him, he remained who he was. They did not steal his soul as they did to so many other native peoples the world over. So, without a known people or place to apply a political system or ideology, anything I could say is simply in the realm of abstractions and has no immediate application.My final thought on what my politics are is simply - what works.

13. Do politics and culture go hand in hand?

I believe that all real culture is the outgrowth of the spiritual and religious. Think of the spiritual as the hub of a wheel, and the spokes emanating out from it are the various areas of life such as politics, culture, ethics etc.. In an Archaic society, such as Julius Evola describes in his book Revolt Against the Modern World, all facets of a Civilisation or culture are integrally bound to a spiritual source. Japanese culture is a fine living example of this. In all areas, spiritual, martial arts, gardening, poetry, painting etc. the same spirit underlies all of them. They are integrally one. This is not where we in the west are at today. We live in a hellishly fragmented world culturally and spiritually. There is no real centre or central axis to it all. It’s a grotesque hodge-podge. That is what Asatru is attempting to do on several levels, to provide that central spiritual axis from which all the other things will fall into place easily and create a wholeness for our people once again. Western Civilisation has been under the impress of so many culturally alien and distorting elements for nearly a thousand years.To change the direction now is indeed an epic task.

14. What are your plans for the future?

To continue to fulfil my destiny as a human being. I define destiny as that which is meant to be at the inception of life. What is coded into our DNA matrix. I see fate as the external or environmental factors that, which by their nature often impose road-blocks to our fulfilling are true destiny. We have to overcome fate so as to become that which we were intended to be. This may seem simplistic at first thought. It’s not. Living a life to it’s natural fulfilment is an arduous task. Few make it to the goal. But we should all strive to become full human beings - not specialists in some minutiae of life such as a profession or job, but truly human in all it’s many facets. The forces at work around us do all they can to turn us into automatons, company-men, one-trick ponies.

On a simpler level I hope to continue to produce music, art, and social philosophy and hold true to the slogan I mentioned earlier: "We Will Never Surrender!"
 


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